Word order in new york

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The New York dialect of the English language is spoken by most European Americans who were raised in New York City and much of its metropolitan area including the lower Hudson Valley, Long Island, and in northeastern New Jersey. It is often considered to be one of the most recognizable accents within American English (Newman 2005).

The English spoken in northern New Jersey, although often confused with that of New York City, is (outside a few cities very close to New York) actually different from the New York City dialect. Similarly, a variety of unrelated dialects are spoken in those parts of New York State outside the metropolitan area.

Macrosocial extensions

Geographic factors

The New York dialect is closely confined to the geographically small but densely populated New York City Dialect Region, which consists of the city’s five Boroughs, the western half of Long Island, and the cities of Newark and Jersey City in New Jersey. However, the terms �New York English� and �New York dialect� are, strictly speaking, misnomers. The classic New York dialect is centered on middle and working class European Americans, and this ethnic cluster now accounts for less than half of the city�s population, although the same «White Flight» that reduced their numbers in the city has led to expansion of the dialect in the outlying areas to which they moved. Now, the most secure strongholds of the New York dialect are arguably the suburban areas of Nassau County, western Suffolk County, Westchester County, northeastern and southwestern Queens, and Staten Island, although some strong New York dialect speakers remain in urban sections of Queens, the Bronx, Brooklyn, and even Manhattan. It is often claimed that the dialect varies by neighborhood or borough. In particular, many 20th-century New Yorkers have claimed to perceive a difference between Brooklyn and Bronx accents, with a Brooklyn accent being «heavier». This may be true, although no published study has found any feature that varies in this way beyond local names. Impressions that the dialect changes may also be a byproduct of class and/or ethnic variation.

Ethnic and racial factors

The variations of the New York accent are a result of the layering of ethnic speech from the waves of immigrants that settled in the city, from the earliest settlement by the Dutch and English, followed in the 1800s by the Irish and Midwesterners (typically of French, German, Irish, Scandinavian, and Scottish descent). Over time these collective influences «ganged» together to give New York its distinctive accent. [1] From the turn of the century until about 1930, predominantly Italian and Eastern European Jewish immigrants, but also later Irish and others, arrived and further affected the region’s speech. Sociolinguistic research, which is ongoing, suggests some differentiation between these last groups’ speech may exist, in particular Labov’s (1982), finding of differences in the rate and degree of the tensing and raising of (oh) and (aeh) of Italian American versus Jewish American New Yorkers. In the NPR interview linked below, Labov talks about Irish origin features being the most stigmatized. These differences are relatively minor, more of degree than kind. All groups share the relevant features. It is possible that there are substantial differences, but like geographic differences, these have not been found.

Sam Chwat, a prominent speech therapist, shares the widely held belief of native New Yorkers that it is possible to make clear distinctions among the accents of different ethnic groups:

People talk about borough-defined New York accents, but, really, the different types of New York accents are ethnic,» Mr. Chwat said. «You have the Jewish accent, as typified by Jackie Mason or Fran Drescher, the Italian accent — Robert De Niro or Tony Danza. There’s the Irish New York accent, like Rosie O’Donnell or Rudy Giuliani, «Of course he’s not Irish, but he speaks with a New York Irish speech pattern». [2]

One area that is likely to reveal robust patterns is usage among Orthodox Jews, sometimes referred to as Yeshivish, for the parochial high schools members of this community attend. Such features include fully released final stops and certain Yiddish contact features, such as topicalizations of direct objects, (e.g., constructions such as Esther, she saw! or A dozen knishes, you bought!) There is also substantial use of Yiddish and particularly Hebrew words. It could be argued that such features are not characteristic of New York dialect because they exist among Orthodox Jews in other dialect regions. Still, in combination with other New York dialect features they are characteristic of a specific local ethno-religious community. There is no research, however, establishing these facts in the New York Dialect literature.

African American New Yorkers often speak African American Vernacular English (AAVE), though with some New York Dialect features, as do most children of Black Caribbean immigrants. Many Latinos speak another distinct ethnolect, New York Latino English, characterized by a varying mix of traditional New York dialect and AAVE features along with features of Portuguese and Spanish origin. There is a tendency for middle and upper middle class members of both groups to use more New York dialect features and lower income residents to use fewer. Many East Asian American and Middle Eastern New Yorkers may also speak a recognizable variety, though one much closer to standard American English. Thus, within the dialect region, the dialect is predominantly, though not exclusively, European American.

Social class factors

Nevertheless, not even all European American New Yorkers use this variety. Upper-middle class European American New Yorkers and suburban residents from educated backgrounds often speak with less conspicuous accents; in particular, many, though hardly all, use rhotic pronunciations instead of the less prestigious non-rhotic pronunciations while maintaining some less stigmatized features such as the low back chain shift and the short a split (see below).

Similarly, the children of professional white migrants from other parts of the US frequently do not have many New York dialect features, and as these two populations come to dominate the southern half of Manhattan and neighboring parts of Brooklyn, the dialect is retreating from their neighborhoods. Many teens attending expensive private prep schools are barely linguistically recognizable as New Yorkers. Nevertheless, many New Yorkers, particularly those of Southern and Eastern European descent from the middle- and working-class, retain varying degrees of what has been coined New Yorkese or Brooklynese within their daily speech.

Beyond New York

Many Jewish-Americans, both Ashkenazic and Sephardic, throughout the United States have some features of a New York accent. This is the case even among some Jewish-Americans who have never lived in New York or New Jersey. This phenomenon is somewhat parallel to the spread of African American Vernacular English to the rest of the United States from its original location in the American South. Because so many Jewish-Americans have a New York-sounding accent, some people may mistakenly believe that a New York accent is a «Jewish accent,» when actually, non-Jewish White New Yorkers generally speak with the same accent. Similarly, many Mafia films, most of them set in the 1940s, show many characters speaking English with a New York accent.

Linguistic features

Pronunciation

See the article International Phonetic Alphabet for explanations of the phonetic symbols used, as indicated between square brackets []. These represent actual pronunciations. The symbols in curved parentheses () are variables, in this case historical word classes that have different realizations between and within dialects. This system was developed by William Labov. A link to a site with an example text read in various accents, including New York, can be found under external links.

New York Dialect is predominantly characterized by the following sounds and speech patterns:

Vowels

• The low back chain shift The [ɔ] vowel sound of words like talk, law, cross, and coffee and the often homophonous [ɔr] in core and more are tensed and usually raised more than in General American. This vowel is typically above [ɔ], the corresponding vowel in General American; in the most extreme New York accents, it is even higher and possesses an inglide: [ʊə]. [ɑ] in father and [ɑr] in car are tensed and move to a position abandoned by [ɔ]. The result is that car is often similar to core in parts of New England. Some words not originally from this word class, such as God, on and Bob join the [ɑ] group. This shift is robust and has spread to many non-European American New Yorkers.

• The short a split There is a class of words, with a historical «short a» vowel, including plan, class, and bad, where the historical [�] has undergone [�]-tensing to [eə], or, in the most extreme accents, [ɪə], accompanied by an inglide. This class is similar to, but larger than, the class of words in which Received Pronunciation uses the so-called broad A.Other words, such as plaque, clatter, and bat, indicated as [�], remain lax, with the result that bad and bat have different vowels. Versions of the short a split are found from Philadelphia to Southern New England.

• pre-r distinctions New York accents lack most of the mergers before medial [ɹ] that many other modern American accents possess:
  • The vowels in marry [m�ɹi], merry [mɛɹi], and Mary [meəɹi] are distinct.
  • The vowels in furry [fɝi] and hurry [hʌɹi] are distinct
  • Words like orange and forest are pronounced [ɑɹəndʒ] and [fɑɹəst] with the same stressed vowel as pot, not with the same vowel as port as in much of the rest of the United States.

• The General American [ɝ] and [ɔɪ] : In the most old-fashioned and extreme New York�area accents, the vowel sounds of words like girl and of words like oil both become a diphthong [ɜɪ]. This is often misperceived by speakers of other accents as a «reversal» of the «er» and «oy» sounds, so that girl is pronounced «goil» and oil is pronounced «erl»; this leads to the caricature of New Yorkers saying things like «Joizey» (Jersey) and «terlet» (toilet). This particular speech pattern is no longer very prevalent; the character Archie Bunker from the 1970’s show All In The Family was a good example of a speaker who had this feature. Younger New Yorkers (born since about 1950) are likely to use a rhotic [ɝ] in bird even if they use nonrhotic pronunciations of beard, bared, bard, board, boor, and butter. Similarly, the line-loin merger is sporadically heard in New York.

Consonants

• r-lessness The traditional New York�area accent is non-rhotic; in other words, the sound [ɹ] does not appear at the end of a syllable or immediately before a consonant. Thus, there is no [ɹ] in words like park [pɔːk] (with vowel raised due to the low-back chain shift), butter [bʌɾə], or here [hiə]. This feature is slowly losing ground, as discussed above. Non-rhoticity now happens sometimes in New Yorkers with otherwise rhotic speech if r ‘s are located in unaccented syllables particularly in pre-vocalic position. Non-rhotic speakers usually exhibit an intrusive or linking r, similar to other non-rhotic dialect speakers.

• Dark (l) onsets This feature has rarely been commented on but it is robust. A dark variant of (l) is used before vowels like the (l) used in most English after vowels. In other words, in New York dialect, the (l) is made before vowels with the tongue bunched towards the back of the mouth as it is after vowels. In much US English, the prevowel version has a light variant, with the tongue bunched more towards the front. In effect, this means that the beginning sound of lull and level approximates the final one.

• Dentalization (t) and (d) are often pronounced with the tongue tip touching the teeth rather than the alveolar ridge (just above the teeth), as is typical in most varieties of English. Also, these sounds become affricates (sounds with a burst and then a substantial frication, like [tʃ] (the sound frequently represented orthographically by <ch>) before r.

• (dh/th) fortition Some speakers replace the dental fricatives [θ, �] with dental variants of stops [t, d], so that words like thing and this sound similar to «ting» and «dis». This feature is highly stigmatized and is becoming less and less frequent. However affricate pronunciations are common.

• Intrusive g. In most varieties of English, the velar nasal [ŋ], written as <ng> is pronounced as [ŋ] rather than [ŋɡ]. However, in strong versions of New York dialect, the [ɡ] is variably pronounced before a vowel as a velar stop. This leads to the stereotype of ��Long Island�� being pronounced as [lʊɘŋˈɡɑɪ.lɘnd] popularly written, Lawn Guyland. Another very frequent pronunciation which does omit the [ɡ] is [lɒ͡ɐˈŋai.lənd̪] with the stress on the first syllable in Island and beginning with [ŋ], as though it were Law Ngisland.

Syntax

• Indirect questions. Word order of the original question is preserved in indirect questions, at least those introduced by wh-words, for example: He wanted to know when will he come instead of He wanted to know when he will come; or, She asked why don�t you want any instead of the standard She asked why you don�t want any.

Lexicon

There are numerous words used mainly in New York, mostly associated with immigrant languages. A curious split in usage, reflective of the city’s racial divide, involves the word punk. In the African American and Latino communities, the word tends to be used as a synonym for weak, someone unwilling or unable to defend her or usually himself or perhaps loser. That usage appears to descend from the AAVE meaning of male receptive participant in anal sex, a meaning which, in turn, may be largely lost among youth. Although this loser sense is expanding to younger European American and perhaps Asian American speakers with considerable contact with AAVE culture, an older usage, in which the term means youthful delinquent is probably still more common. Thus a newspaper article that refers to, say, some arrested muggers, as punks can have two different meanings to two different readers. Of course, the term also unambiguously means the follower of a particular musical and fashion peer cultural style (i.e. Punk rock).

One curious example of New York English is that New Yorkers stand «on line», whereas most other English speakers stand «in line». Some New Yorkers may say that they made a mistake «on accident,» as opposed to «by accident».

History

The origins of the dialect are diverse, and the source of many features is probably not recoverable. Labov has pointed out that the short a split is found in southern England as mentioned above. He also claims that the vocalization and subsequent loss of (r) was copied from the prestigious London pronunciation, and so it started among the upper classes in New York and only later moved down the socioeconomic scale. This aristocratic r-lessness can be heard, for instance, in recordings of Franklin Roosevelt. After WWII, the r-ful pronunciation became the prestige norm, and what was once the upper class pronunciation became a vernacular one.

Other vernacular pronunciations, such as the dental (d)’s and (t)’s may come from contact with languages such as Italian and Yiddish. Grammatical structures, such as the lack of inversion in indirect questions, have the flavor of contact with an immigrant language. As stated above, many words common in New York are of immigrant roots.

See also

• Regional Vocabularies of American English

External links

• Varieties of English: New York City phonology from the University of Arizona’s Language Samples Project
• William Labov’s webpage There are links to many sites related to dialects, including references to his early work on New York dialect and the Atlas of North American English.
• [3] A paper by Labov on dialect diversity, including information on NY dialect phonology.
• [4] A link to an NPR interview with Professor Labov on NY dialect.
• The New York Latino English Project The site of the New York Latino English project, which studies the native English spoken by New York Latinos.
• [5] A site with samples of speech in various dialects, including New York.

References

• Labov, William (1982) The social stratification of English in New York City Center for Applied Linguistics ISBN 0-87281-149-2
• Labov, William (1973) Sociolinguistic Patterns U. of Pennsylvania Press ISBN 0-8122-1052-2*
• Labov, William (1994) Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume 1: Internal Factors Blackwell ISBN 0-631-17914-3
• Labov, William (2001) Atlas of North American English DeGruyter ISBN 3-11-016746-8
• Labov, William (2001) Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume 2: Social Factors Blackwell ISBN 0-631-17916-X
• Newman, Michael (2005) «New York Talk» in American Voices Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward (eds). p.82-87 Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-2109-2
• Slomanson, Peter & Michael Newman (2004) �Peer Group Identification and Variation in New York Latino English Laterals� English Worldwide, 25 (2) pp. 199-216 (http://www.benjamins.com/cgi-bin/t_seriesview.cgi?series=EWW)
• Wolfram, Walt & Nancy Schilling Estes (2006) American English 2nd edition Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-1265-4
• Wolfram, Walt & Ward, Ben (2005) American Voices: How Dialects Differ from Coast to Coast Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-2109-2

Categories: American English | City colloquials | New York culture

The New York dialect of the English language is spoken by many European Americans, and some non-European Americans who were raised in New York City and much of its metropolitan area. It is one of the most recognizable dialects within American English.^[1]

The English spoken in northern New Jersey and the English spoken in eastern Long Island are distinct from, yet share much in common with, the New York City dialect. In contrast, a variety of unrelated dialects are spoken in those parts of New York State outside the metropolitan area. (Labov et al. 2006)

Geographic factors

The New York dialect is closely confined to the geographically small but densely populated New York City dialect region, which consists of the city’s five Boroughs, Western Long Island although the border there is not clearly established,^[2] the lower Hudson Valley, and several nearby cities in northeastern New Jersey, e.g., Weehawken, Hoboken, Jersey City, Bayonne, and Newark.^[3] However, the terms “New York English” and “New York dialect” are, strictly speaking, misnomers. The classic New York dialect is centered on middle and working class European Americans, and this ethnic cluster now accounts for less than half of the city’s population. Now, the most secure strongholds of the New York dialect are arguably the suburban areas of Nassau County, western Suffolk County, Westchester County, Rockland County, northeastern and southwestern Queens, and Staten Island, although many strong New York dialect speakers remain in Queens, The Bronx, Brooklyn, and Manhattan. Finally, despite common references to «a Bronx accent», or «a Brooklyn accent», no published study has found any feature that varies internally beyond local names.^[4] Impressions that the dialect varies geographically may be a byproduct of class and/or ethnic variation.

Ethnic factors

The variations of the New York accent are a result of the layering of ethnic speech from the waves of immigrants that settled in the city, from the earliest settlement by the Dutch and English, followed in the 1800s by the Irish and Midwesterners (typically of French, German, Irish, Scandinavian, and English descent). Over time these collective influences combined to give New York its distinctive accent.^[5] Up until the earlier 20th century, many Eastern European Jewish and Italian immigrants, as well as some later immigrants, arrived and further affected the region’s speech. Sociolinguistic research, which is ongoing, suggests some differentiation between these last groups’ speech may exist. For example, William Labov found differences in the rate and degree of the tensing and raising of (oh) and (aeh) of Italian American versus Jewish American New Yorkers. Jewish Americans were more likely than other groups to use the closest variants of (oh) and Italian Americans were more likely than other groups to use the closest variants of (aeh).^[6] In the NPR interview linked below, Labov talks about Irish origin features being the most stigmatized. Still, Labov argues that these differences are relatively minor, more of degree than kind. All European American groups share the relevant features.

One area that is likely to reveal robust patterns is usage among Orthodox Jews. Such features include fully released final stops and certain Yiddish contact features, such as topicalizations of direct objects (e.g., constructions such as Esther, she saw! or A dozen knishes, you bought!). There is also substantial use of Yiddish and particularly Hebrew words. It could be argued that such features are not characteristic of New York dialect because they exist among Orthodox Jews in other dialect regions. Still, in combination with other New York dialect features they are characteristic of a specific local ethno-religious community. There is no research, however, establishing these facts in the New York dialect literature.

Most African American New Yorkers speak African American Vernacular English (AAVE), though with some New York dialect features.^[7] Many Latinos speak another distinct ethnolect, New York Latino English, characterized by a varying mix of traditional New York dialect and AAVE features along with features of Spanish origin.^[7][8]

Many professional class New Yorkers from high socioeconomic backgrounds often speak with less conspicuous accents; in particular, many, though hardly all, use rhotic pronunciations instead of the non-rhotic pronunciations, while maintaining some less stigmatized features such as the low back chain shift and the short-A split (see below).

Similarly, the children of professional migrants from other parts of the U.S. usually do not have many, if any, New York dialect features, and as these two populations come to dominate the southern half of Manhattan and neighboring parts of Brooklyn, the dialect is in retreat in some of the more gentrified parts of the city. Many teens attending private prep schools are barely linguistically recognizable as New Yorkers except in their pronunciation of the broad A in «water» and other Northeast characteristics. Nevertheless, many New Yorkers, particularly from the middle and working class, maintain a clear New York accent.

History

The origins of the dialect are diverse, and the source of many features is probably not recoverable. Labov has pointed out that the short-A split is found in southern England as mentioned above. He also claims that the vocalization and subsequent loss of (R) was copied from the prestigious London pronunciation, and so it started among the upper classes in New York and only later moved down the socioeconomic scale. This non-rhotic (R-less) aristocratic pronunciation can be heard, for instance, in recordings of Franklin D. Roosevelt. After WWII, the R-ful pronunciation (rhotic) became the prestige norm, and what was once the upper class pronunciation became a vernacular one.^[9]

Other vernacular pronunciations, such as the dental (D)s and (T)s may come from contact with languages such as Italian and Yiddish. Grammatical structures, such as the lack of inversion in indirect questions, have the flavor of contact with an immigrant language. As stated above, many words common in New York are of immigrant roots.^[10]

Beyond New York

As a result of social and commercial contact between the two cities, and the influx of immigrants from the same countries, the traditional dialect of New Orleans, Louisiana, known locally as Yat, bears distinctive similarities with the New York dialect, including palatalization of the /ɜr/ vowel, a similar split in the short-A system, and fortition of /θ/(See below for more information on these features). Albany, New York, and northern New Jersey, also display influence from the New York City dialect.^[11]

Linguistic features

Pronunciation

See the article International Phonetic Alphabet for explanations of the phonetic symbols used, as indicated between square brackets [ ]. These represent actual pronunciations. The symbols in curved parentheses () are variables, in this case historical word classes that have different realizations between and within dialects. This system was developed by William Labov. A link to a site with an example text read in various accents, including New York, can be found under external links.

New York dialect is predominantly characterized by the following sounds and speech patterns:

Vowels

• The low back chain shift: The /ɔ/ vowel sound of words like talk, law, cross, and coffee and the often homophonous /ɔr/ in core and more are tensed and usually raised more than in General American. Labov (1966) describes this pattern as varying on a scale from [ɔ] to [ʊ]. An inglide typically accompanies higher variants giving [oə] or [ʊə].^[12] /ɑ/ in father and /ɑr/ in car are backed, diphthongized, and sometimes rounded to [ɑə] or [ɒə].^[13] The result is that card in New York can be similar to cod in parts of New England. In addition, a subset of words with /ɒ/ as in lot feature a lengthened and diphthongized variant, [ɑə]. This variant may appear before a word final voiced stop, /dʒ/, or /m/ (e.g., cob, cod, cog, lodge, bomb). It also occurs variably before voiced fricatives (e.g., bother), /ʃ/ (e.g., wash), and in the words on, John, and doll (Wells 1982: 514).^[12]

• The short-A split: There is a class of words, with a historical short-a vowel, including plan, class, and bad, where the historical /æ/ is raised and tensed to an ingliding diphthong of the type [eə] or even [ɪə]. This class is similar to, but larger than, the BATH lexical set, in which Received Pronunciation uses the so-called broad A. Other words, such as plaque, clatter, and bat, retain a lax, low-front [æ], with the result that bad and bat have different vowels. A related (but slightly different) split has occurred in the dialect of Philadelphia. Although the lax and the tense reflexes of /æ/ are separate phonemes in these dialects, their distribution is largely predictable. See Phonemic æ-tensing in the Mid-Atlantic region for more details.

• /oʊ/ as in goat does not undergo fronting; instead, it remains [oʊ]. This groups New York with the «North» class of dialects rather than the «Midland», in which /oʊ/ is fronted. Relatedly, /uː/ as in goose is not fronted and remains a back vowel [uː] or [ʊu]. This lack of fronting of /oʊ/ and /uː/ also distinguishes New York from nearby Philadelphia. Some speakers have a separate phoneme /ɪu/ in words such as tune, news, duke (historically a separate class). The phonemic status of this vowel is marginal. For example, Labov (1966) reports that New Yorkers may contrast [duː] do with [dɪu] dew though they may also have [dɪu] do. Still, dew is always [dɪu] and never [duː].^[14]

• Diphthongs: The nucleus of the /aɪ/ diphthong is a back and sometimes rounded vowel [ɑ] or [ɒ] (right as [ɹɑɪt]) and the nucleus of the /aʊ/ diphthong is a front vowel [æ] (rout as [ɹæʊt]). The sociolinguistic evidence (Labov 1966) suggests that both of these developments are active changes. The fronted nucleus in /aʊ/ and the backed nucleus in /aɪ/ are more common among younger speakers, women, and the working and lower middle classes.^[15][16]

• Pre-R distinctions: New York accents lack most of the mergers before medial /r/ common in other varieties of North American English:
  • The vowels in marry [mæri], merry [mɛri], and Mary [meri] ~ [mɛəri] ~ [mɛri] show either a two- or three-way contrast.^[17]
  • The vowels in furry /fɜri/ and hurry /hʌri/ are distinct.
  • Words like orange, horrible, Florida and forest are pronounced /ɑrəndʒ/ and /fɑrəst/ with the same stressed vowel as pod, not with the same vowel as port as in much of the rest of the United States.^[17]

• Merger of /ɜr/ and /ɔɪ/: One of the stereotypes of New York speech is the use of a front-rising diphthong in words with /ɜr/ (e.g., nurse). This stereotype is popularly represented in stock phrases like «toity toid» for thirty-third. The phonetic reality of this variant is near [ɜɪ]. This variant may also appear in words with /ɔɪ/ (e.g., choice), resulting in verse and voice as homophones. The diphthongal variant for /ɜr/ is highly stigmatized. Labov’s data from the mid-1960s indicated the form was recessive then. Only two of his 51 speakers under age 20 used the form as compared with those over age 50 of whom 23 out of 30 used the form. Items with /ɔɪ/ may occur with [ɜr] (e.g., [tɜrlət] toilet), apparently as a result of hypercorrection.^[18] Younger New Yorkers (born since about 1950) are likely to use a rhotic [ɜr] in bird even if they use non-rhotic pronunciations of beard, bared, bard, board, boor, and butter.

Consonants

While the following consonantal features are central to the common stereotype of a «New York accent», they are not nearly as ubiquitous in New York as many^[who?] might assume. By contrast, the vocalic (vowel) variations in pronunciation as described above are far more typical of New York area speakers than the consonantal features listed below, which carry a much greater stigma than do the dialect’s vocalic variations:

• R-lessness The traditional New York–area accent is non-rhotic; in other words, the sound [ɹ] does not appear at the end of a syllable or immediately before a consonant. Thus, there is no [ɹ] in words like park [pɒək] (with vowel backed and rounded due to the low-back chain shift), butter [bʌɾə], or here [hɪə]. This feature is slowly losing ground, as discussed above. Non-rhoticity now happens sometimes in New Yorkers with otherwise rhotic speech if Rs are located in unaccented syllables particularly in pre-vocalic position. Non-rhotic speakers usually exhibit a linking or intrusive R, similar to other non-rhotic dialect speakers.^[9]

• Vocalization of /l/ L vocalization is common in New York though it is perhaps not as pervasive as in other dialects. Like its fellow liquid /r/, it may be vocalized when it does not appear before a vowel (e.g., [sɛo] sell, [mɪok] milk).^[19]

• Alveolars The alveolar consonants /t/, /d/, /n/, and /l/ may be articulated with the tongue blade rather than the tip. Wells (1982) indicates that this articulation may, in some cases, also involve affrication, producing [ts] and [dz]. Also /t/ and /d/ are often pronounced with the tongue touching the teeth rather than the alveolar ridge (just above the teeth), as is typical in most varieties of English. With /t/, glottalization is reported to be more common in New York speech than in other American dialects, appearing, for example, before syllabic /l/ (e.g., bottle [bɑʔl̩]).^[20]

• (dh/th) fortition As in many other dialects, the interdental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ are often realized as stops [t] and [d] or affricates [tθ] and [dð]. Labov (1966) found this alternation to vary by class with the non-fricative forms appearing more regularly in lower and working class speech. Unlike the reported changes with /r/, the variation with /θ/ and /ð/ appears to be stable.^[13]

• Intrusive G. In addition to the ubiquitous alternation of [ŋ] and [n] in -ing endings, the speech of some New Yorkers shows [ŋɡ] as a variant of /ŋ/. This variant is another salient stereotype of the New York accent and is commonly mocked with «Long Island» being pronounced [lɔŋɡɑɪlənd] popularly written, Lawn Guyland.^[21][22]

• Reduction of /hj/ to /j/. New Yorkers typically do not allow /j/ to be preceded by /h/; this gives pronunciations like /jumən/ and /judʒ/ for human and huge.^[21]

Syntax

• Indirect questions. Word order of the original question is preserved in indirect questions, at least those introduced by wh-words, for example: He wanted to know when will he come instead of He wanted to know when he will come; or, She asked why don’t you want any instead of the standard She asked why you don’t want any.^{[citation needed]}

Lexicon

There are numerous words used mainly in New York, mostly associated with immigrant languages. For instance, a «stoop» (from Dutch), is the front steps of a building entrance. A curious split in usage, reflective of the city’s racial differences, involves the word punk. In the Black and Latino communities, the word tends to be used as a synonym for weak, someone unwilling or unable to defend himself or perhaps loser. That usage appears to descend from the AAVE meaning of male receptive participant in anal sex,^[23] a meaning which, in turn, may be largely lost among youth. Thus, a newspaper article that refers to, say, some arrested muggers as punks can have two different meanings to two different readers. Of course, the term also unambiguously means the follower of a particular musical and fashion peer cultural style (i.e. punk rock).

New Yorkers stand «on line», whereas most other American-English speakers stand «in line». Small convenience stores are called bodegas, from the Spanish term literally meaning «a liquor storehouse or a convenience store; corner store». See Regional vocabularies of American English.

Notable people who speak with a New York accent

The following famous people or fictional characters are often heard in public as speaking with features typical of a New York accent. Most, but not all, are native New Yorkers. Their pronunciation and vocabulary can be useful guides to the subtleties of speaking New York.

Notable speakers with a New York accent

Bella Abzug[24][25] Danny Aiello[26][27][28] Woody Allen[28][29][30] The Bowery Boys[29][31] Mel Brooks[28][32] Archie and Edith Bunker[30][33][34][35][36][37] Bugs Bunny[31][33][38] James Caan[28][39] Sid Caesar[33] James Cagney[28][40] Mariah Carey[41][42] George Carlin[43] Andrew Dice Clay[44][45] Howard Cosell[46][47] Mario Cuomo[48] Tony Curtis[49][50][51] Tony Danza[33][40][52] Dead End Kids[31][40] Robert De Niro[28][33][40] Kevin Dobson[53][54] Fran Drescher[29][31][33][40] Jimmy Durante[29][33][37] John Garfield[55][56] Rudolph Giuliani[33][57][58] Gilbert Gottfried[59][60] Buddy Hackett[61] Judd Hirsch[28][33] The Honeymooners cast[28][33][35][36][62][63] Wendy Kaufman[64] Harvey Keitel[65] Ed Koch[29][33][37] Burt Lancaster[28][33] Cyndi Lauper[66][67] John Leguizamo[68][69][70] Vince Lombardi[71] Bernard Madoff[72] Terry Malloy[33][73] Barry Manilow[74] Garry Marshall[75][76] Penny Marshall[77] The Marx Brothers; Groucho Marx[28][78] Jackie Mason[79] Walter Matthau[28][80][81] Debi Mazar[82][83] Rhoda Morgenstern[84][85] Chris Mullin[86][87][88] Rosie O’Donnell[28][89] Al Pacino[28][90][91][92] Joe Paterno[93][94] Rosie Perez[29][30][40][52][95] Rhea Perlman[96] Joe Pesci[28][29][30][97] Regis Philbin[98] Colin Quinn[99][100] George Raft[101][102] Charles Rangel[103][104] Michael Rapaport[105] Paul Reiser[30] Leah Remini[106][107] Linda Richman[31][33] Don Rickles[108] Thelma Ritter[109] Nelson Rockefeller[40] Ray Romano[110] Franklin D. Roosevelt[29][31][33][36][111][112] Maxie Rosenbloom[113] Michael Savage[114][115] Telly Savalas[33] Bernie Sanders[116][117] Vin Scully [118] Seinfeld cast[33][35][119][120][121] Phil Silvers[122] Frank Sinatra[33] Al Smith[48][123] The Sopranos cast[36][124][125][126][127][128] Arnold Stang[129] Barbara Stanwyck[130][131] Howard Stern[132] Barbra Streisand[28][33] Three Stooges[33] Marisa Tomei[28][133][134] John Travolta[135][136] Christopher Walken[137] Eli Wallach[138] Denzel Washington[139][140] Barry Wellman[141] Mae West[142] Lenny Wilkens[143][144]

See also

• Yat dialect
• North American English regional phonology#Northeastern dialects
• Regional vocabularies of American English
• New Jersey dialect

Bibliography

• Babbitt, Eugene H. (1896). «The English of the lower classes in New York City and vicinity». Dialect Notes 1: 457–464.
• Becker, Kara & Amy Wing Mei Wong. 2009. The short-a system of New York City English: An update. ‘University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics. Volume 15, Issue 2 Article 3. pp: 10-20. http://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol15/iss2/3/
• Becker, Kara & Elizabeth Coggshall. 2010. The vowel phonologies of white and African American New York Residents. In Malcah Yaeger-Dror and *Erik R. Thomas (eds.) African American English Speakers And Their Participation In Local Sound Changes: A Comparative Study. American Speech Volume Supplement 94, Number 1. Chapel Hill, NC: Duke University Press. pp: 101-128
• Becker, Kara & Elizabeth L. Coggshall. 2009. The Sociolinguistics of Ethnicity in New York City, 2009, Language and Linguistic Compass, 3(3): 751-766.
• Becker, Kara (2009). «/r/ and the construction of place identity on New York City’s Lower East Side». Journal of Sociolinguistics 13 (5): 634–658. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9841.2009.00426.x.
• Becker, Kara. 2010. Regional Dialect Features on the Lower East Side of New York City: Sociophonetics, Ethnicity, and Identity. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, NYU.
• Bonfiglio, Thomas Paul. 2002. Race and the Rise of Standard American. New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 214–225.
• Cutler, Cece (1999). «Yorkville crossing: White teens, hip hop and African American English». Journal of Sociolinguistics 3 (4): 428–442. doi:10.1111/1467-9481.00089.
• Cutler, Cece. 2007. Hip-hop language in sociolinguistics and beyond. Language and Linguistics Compass, 1(5):519–538.
• Cutler, Cece. 2008 Brooklyn Style: hip-hop markers and racial affiliation among European immigrants. International Journal of Bilingualism, 12(1-2), 7-24.
• Gordon, Matthew. 2004. «New York, Philadelphia and other Northern Cities» in Kortmann, Bernd & Schneider, Edgar W. (Eds.) A Handbook of Varieties of English: Volume 1: Phonology Walter de Gruyter
• Hubell, Allan F. 1972. The Pronunciation of English in New York City. NY: Farrar, Strauss, and Giroux.
• Kurath, Hans and Raven I. McDavid. 1961. The Pronunciation of English in the Atlantic States. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
• Labov, William, Paul Cohen, Clarence Robins, and John Lewis. 1968. A study of the Non-Standard English of Negro and Puerto Rican Speakers in New York City, V. 1: Phonological and Grammatical Analysis. Washington, DC: Office of Education, Bureau of Research/ERIC.
• Labov, William, Paul Cohen, Clarence Robins, and John Lewis. 1968. A study of the Non-Standard English of Negro and Puerto Rican Speakers in New York City’, V. 2: The Use of Language in the Speech Community. Washington, DC: Office of Education, Bureau of Research/ERIC.
• Labov, William. 1966/1996. The Social Stratification of English in New York City 2nd Edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Labov, William. 1972a. Language in the Inner City: Studies in the Black English Vernacular. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
• Labov, William. 1972b. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press.
• Labov, William (1994) Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume 1: Internal Factors Blackwell ISBN 0-631-17914-3
• Labov, William (2001) Principles of Linguistic Change: Volume 2: Social Factors Blackwell ISBN 0-631-17916-X
• Labov, William (2007) «Transmission and Diffusion», Language June 2007
• Labov, William, Sharon Ash, & Charles Boberg (2006) Atlas of North American English DeGruyter ISBN 3-11-016746-8
• Newman, Michael (2005) «New York Talk» in American Voices Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward (eds). p. 82-87 Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-2109-2
• Newman, Michael (2010). «‘Focusing, implicational scaling, and the dialect status of New York Latino English». Journal of Sociolinguistics 14 (2): 207–239. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9841.2010.00441.x.
• Schneider, E. W., Kortmann, B. (2005), A Handbook of Varieties of English: A Multi-Media Reference Tool, Mouton de Gruyter, ISBN 3110175320, p. 284
• Slomanson, Peter; Newman, Michael (2004). «Peer Group Identification and Variation in New York Latino English Laterals». English World-Wide 25 (2): 199–216. doi:10.1075/eww.25.2.03slo.
• Thomas, C. K. (1932). «Jewish dialect and New York Dialect». American Speech 7 (5): 321–6. doi:10.2307/452953. JSTOR 452953.
• Thomas, C. K. (1942). «Pronunciation in downstate New York». American Speech 17 (1): 30–41. doi:10.2307/486854. JSTOR 486854.
• Thomas, C. K. (1947). «The place of New York City in American linguistic geography». Quarterly Journal of Speech 33 (3): 314–20. doi:10.1080/00335634709381312.
• Wells, J. C. 1982. Accents of English. 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Wolfram, Walt. 1974. Sociolinguistic Aspects of Assimilation: Puerto Rican English in New York City. Washington, DC: Center for Applied Linguistics.
• Wolfram, Walt & Natalie Schilling Estes (2006) American English 2nd edition Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-1265-4
• Wolfram, Walt & Ward, Ben (2005) American Voices: How Dialects Differ from Coast to Coast Blackwell ISBN 1-4051-2109-2
• Wong, Amy (2007). «Two Vernacular Features in the English of Four American-Born Chinese». University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics 13 (2): 217–230.

References

External links

• Varieties of English: New York City phonology from the University of Arizona’s Language Samples Project
• William Labov’s webpage There are links to many sites related to dialects, including references to his early work on New York dialect and the Atlas of North American English.
• [2] A paper by Labov on dialect diversity, including information on NY dialect phonology.
• The New York Latino English Project The site of the New York Latino English project, which studies the native English spoken by New York Latinos.
• [3] A site with samples of speech in various dialects, including New York.
• [4] [5] AM New York’s feature on the New York accent (cites several experts)

In yesterday’s post I presented a video on how to take a cab in New York City.  In writing that post I started to think about the New York City accent and so today I’m going to give you some pointers on how to pronounce this accent, but hopefully these pointers will also help you to better understand this accent.  Below is a video that takes a look at the New Yorker accent.  (Note: This is a great video about accents in general as the redheaded woman in the video has a very distinct Australian accent and the woman with short curly hair has a clear American accent and both are practicing a New Yorker accent.  Even if you can’t make the different sound discussed, see if you can hear the differences in these accents.)

First of all, if you have ever heard English in movies or TV shows, I bet you have heard a New Yorker accent before.  Some famous people in TV and movies with New York accents include:

• the character Joey from the TV series Friends
• characters in The Sopranos TV series
• characters in the Seinfeld TV series
• the actor Woody Allen
• the actress Rosie O’Donnell
• (other examples are given in the video below)

Tips on how to talk like a New Yorker:

1. In a New York accent, the “r” at the end of a word is almost never pronounced. The “g” at the end of -ing isn’t pronounced either. So “doing” is pronounced “doin’” and “here” sounds like “hea”.  The “th” (the /θ/ consent sound) sounds something between the “d” and the “th” sounds (but more like “d”).

2. Many of the words that have the “o” sound, like in coffee, are pronounced with an “aw” sound instead.  The word dog, for example, sounds like “dawg”, and “coffee” would turn to “cawffee”.  That “o” sound is pretty much not used by New Yorkers.

3. Indirect questions are often used.  The word order of a question is often preserved in an indirect way, at least with questions that used wh-words, for example a New Yorker might say: “He wanted to know when will he come?” instead of “He wanted to know when he will come?“; or, “She asked why don’t you want any?” instead of the standard “She asked why you don’t want any?”

Okay well, that is a start on working on your New York accent.  This video should give you some more accent lessons to help you to work on either producing or understand the New Yorker accent.

В русском языке мы можем построить предложение, как нам захочется. Мы можем сказать: «Я купила платье вчера», или «Платье я вчера купила», или «Купила я вчера платье» и т.д.

В английском языке порядок слов в предложении фиксированный. Это значит, что мы не можем переставить слова, как нам захочется. Они должны стоять на своих определенных местах.

Начинающим изучать английский сложно понять и привыкнуть к такому.

Поэтому многие часто строят английские предложения, используя порядок слов как на русском. Из-за этого собеседнику сложно понять мысль, которую вы хотите донести. 

В этой статье я объясню вам, как правильно строить предложения в английском языке, чтобы вы могли грамотно их составлять, и любой иностранец смог легко вас понять.

Из статьи вы узнаете:

• Что такое фиксированный порядок слов?
• Как построить утвердительные предложения
• Как построить отрицательные предложения
• Как задать вопрос в английском языке

Что такое фиксированный порядок слов в предложении?

Предложение – сочетание слов, выражающее законченную мысль.

Как я говорила, в русском языке мы можем переставлять слова в предложении так, как захотим.

Например:

Как видите, мы можем переставить слова в предложении, и это не помешает другому человеку понять ту мысль, которую мы хотим донести до него.

В английском языке порядок слов является фиксированным.

Фиксированный – закрепленный в определенном положении.

Это значит, что слова в предложении имеют свои места и переставлять их нельзя.

Если порядок слов в английском предложении неправильный, то собеседнику будет трудно понять, какую мысль вы хотите донести до него.

Давайте подробно рассмотрим, как правильно строить все виды предложений в английском языке.

Мы можем утверждать, что что-то:

• Происходит в настоящем (Мы строим дом)
• Будет происходить в будущем (Мы будем строить дом)
• Происходило в прошлом (Мы построили дом)

В английском языке в утвердительных предложениях используется прямой порядок слов.

Прямой порядок слов заключается в том, что 1-е и 2-е место в предложении всегда занимают определенные слова. 

Давайте подробно рассмотрим эту схему построения утвердительных предложений. 

1 место — главное действующее лицо

Действующее лицо (подлежащее) – человек/предмет, который выполняет действие в предложении.

Это может быть:

• Сам предмет или человек: mother (мама), Mary (Мэри), cup (чашка), chairs (стулья) и т.д.
• Слово, заменяющее предмет или человека (местоимение): I (я), you (ты), we (мы), they (они), he (он), she (она), it (оно)

Например:

2 место — действие 

Действие (сказуемое) – показывает то, что происходило, происходит или будет происходить.

То есть само действие (глагол), может стоять:

1. В настоящем времени: study (учусь), work (работаю), sleep (сплю), eat (ем)

2. В прошедшем времени, которое образуется с помощью:

• добавления окончания -ed к правильным глаголам: studied (учился), worked (работал)
• 2-й/3-й формы неправильных глаголов: slept/slept (спал), ate/eaten (ел)

Является глагол правильным или неправильным мы можем посмотреть в словаре.

3. В будущем времени, которое обычно образуется c помощью вспомогательного глагола will: will study (буду учиться), will work (буду работать), will sleep (буду спать).

Например:

Важный нюанс

Стоит запомнить один важный нюанс. В русском языке есть предложения, в которых мы опускаем действие.

Например:                          

В английских предложениях действие должно присутствовать всегда, мы не можем опустить его. Это является очень частой ошибкой среди изучающих.

В таких случаях мы используем глагол to be. Это особый вид глагола, который мы используем, когда говорим, что кто-то:

• Находится где-то (Дети в парке)
• Является кем-то (Она учитель)
• Является каким-то (Том умный)

В зависимости от времени, в котором мы используем этот глагол, он меняет свою форму:

• В настоящем времени — am, are, is
• В прошедшем времени — was, were
• В будущем времени — will be

Например:

Подробно про глагол to be в каждом из времен читайте в следующих статьях:

• Глагол to be в настоящем времени
• Глагол to be в прошедшем времени
• Глагол to be в будущем времени

Итак, прямой порядок слов означает, что на 1-ом и на 2-ом месте стоят определенные слова.

Давайте еще раз посмотрим, как это выглядит. 

1 место	2 место	3 место
Действующее лицо	Действие или глагол to be	Другие члены предложения
I	work	here
My sister	lived	in New-York
A cat	is	grey
They	were	at school

А теперь давайте рассмотрим, как построить отрицательные предложения.

Отрицательные предложения – когда мы отрицаем что-либо. То есть говорим, что что-то:

• Не происходит (Она не работает)
• Не происходило (Она не работала)
• Не будет происходить (Она не будет работать)

В русском языке, чтобы образовать отрицание, мы ставим частицу «не» перед действием: не прихожу, не буду читать, не купил.

В английском языке, чтобы образовать отрицание, мы используем частицу «not» и вспомогательный глагол. Посмотрите, как при этом меняется наш порядок слов:

Давайте разберем эту схему подробно. 

1 место — действующее лицо

В отрицательных предложениях также используется прямой порядок слов, поэтому на первом месте стоит действующее лицо.

2 место — вспомогательный глагол + not

Чтобы показать отрицание мы добавляем частицу not к нашему вспомогательному глаголу или глаголу to be: does not, do not, did not, will not.

3 место — действие

После вспомогательного глагола с частицей not мы ставим действие, которое теперь является отрицательным.

Например:

Запомните: Когда мы говорим, что не сделали что-то в прошлом и используем вспомогательный глагол did, само действие мы теперь не ставим в прошедшее время.

Так как вспомогательный глагол уже показывает нам, что оно происходило в прошлом.

Итак, давайте еще раз посмотрим на построение отрицательного предложения.

1 место	2 место	3 место	4 место
Действующее лицо	Вспомогательный глагол + not	Действие	Другие члены предложения
I	do not	work	here
My sister	does not	study	study
People	will not	buy	a car
They	did not	build	the house

Отрицательные предложения с глаголом to be

Если в предложении используется глагол to be, то мы просто ставим not после него.

Давайте посмотрим на табличку. 

1 место	2 место	3 место	4 место
Действующее лицо	Глагол to be	Частица not	Другие члены предложения
I	am	not	a doctor
They	were	not	at home
A cat	is	not	grey

А теперь давайте рассмотрим последний тип предложений – вопросы.

Порядок слов в вопросительном английском предложении

Вопросительные предложения – это предложения выражающее вопрос и предполагающие ответ на него. Например: Ты работаешь?

 В русском языке утвердительные и вопросительные предложения различаются только:

• интонацией (в устной речи)
• знаком «?» в конце предложения (в письменной речи)

В английском языке утверждение и вопрос выглядят по-разному. В отличие от утверждения вопросительные предложения имеют обратный порядок слов.

Обратный порядок слов означает, что на первом месте не будет стоять главное действующее лицо.

Давайте подробно рассмотрим, как построить такие предложения.

1 место — вспомогательный глагол

Чтобы сделать предложение вопросительным, нужно на первое место в предложении поставить вспомогательный глагол. О них я рассказывала выше, когда мы изучали отрицательные предложения. 

2 место — действующее лицо

Наше действующее лицо при вопросе переносится на второе место.

Например:

3 место — действие

На третье место мы ставим действие.

Например:

Давайте еще раз посмотрим на схему. 

1 место	2 место	3 место	4 место
Вспомогательный глагол	Действующее лицо	Действие	Другие члены предложения
Does	she	work	here?
Did	they	study	English?
Will	you	buy	a car?

Вопросительные предложения с глаголом to be

Если в предложении вместо обычного действия используется глагол to be, то мы просто переносим его на первое место в предложении.

Давайте посмотрим на схему:

1 место	2 место	4 место
Глагол to be	Действующее лицо	Другие члены предложения
Is	she	a doctor?
Are	they	at home?
Was	a cat	grey?

Исключение:

Когда мы строим вопрос с глаголом to be в будущем времени — will be, то на первое место мы выносим только will. А сам be идет после действующего лица. 

Например:

Итак, мы рассмотрели порядок слов в утвердительных, отрицательных и вопросительных предложениях. А теперь давайте потренируемся строить такие предложения на практике.

Задание на закрепление

Переведите следующие предложения на английский язык:

1. Я пойду в магазин. 
2. Она красивая.
3. Мы не купили платье.
4. Моя подруга в парке. 
5. Она прочитала книгу?
6. Дом дорогой?

SYNTACTIC
MARKER OF NOUN AND ADJECTIVE

IN THE NEW YORK
TIMES ARTICLE
RESEARCH LANGUAGE TEACHING

Lecturer: Rukminingsih, S.S., M.Pd.

By:

Iska Mawarsita                        (157004)

Franky Steelman
Derek          (157066)

SEKOLAH
TINGGI KEGURUAN DAN ILMU PENDIDIKAN

PERSATUAN
GURU REPUBLIK INDONESIA

JOMBANG

2017

CHAPTER    I

INTRODUCTION

1.1             
Background
of Study

Language is the most important means
of communication of human beings. By using language, people are able to
communicate and cooperate with others. People use language as the medium of
expressing ideas, feeling, and thoughts. English is one kind of language, which
is used to communicate by people. English is an important language used by
people around the world as it is an International language.  So it is very important and it must be learned. 

            English
has a language structured which is studied in the form of Syntax. Gleason
(1961:128) states that syntax is the study of language and sentence. In
syntactic analysis, Radford (1997:1) says that syntax is concerned with the way
in which words can be combined together to form phrases and sentences.
Moreover, Chomsky (1966:1) states that syntax is the study of the principles
and process by which sentences are constructed in particular languages.

            According
to the definition of syntax above, it is concluded that syntax is the
arrangement and relationship among words, phrases, and clauses forming
sentences based on grammatical rules. In this case, studying syntax is very important
since it studies how sentences are formed and arranged based on the grammatical
rule. As a result, to determine the syntactic patterns in the articles about
retirement by New York Times, the researcher decides to use syntactic markers of noun, verb, adjective, and adverb and the markers of
all of it. This is aimed to know the syntactic markers of noun, verb,
adjective, and adverb in the article of Retirement published by New York
Times.

Retirement used to be the pot of gold at the
end of the rainbow, life’s reward, time as enviable as wealth. But in an
age-defying, competitive culture, it has become something of a dirty word. Retirement
is when a person chooses to leave the workforce. The concept of full retirement
– being able to permanently leave the workplace in old age.

Benjamin W. Veghte, Elliot Schreur, and Mikki Waid in the
article of SOCIAL SECURITY AND THE RACIAL GAP IN RETIREMENT WEALTH states that “retirement
wealth has three primary components: Social Security, pensions, and savings
(housing assets also play a role, and will be discussed in the next section)”. However,
getting retirement is not a good choice, as we still need job to earn money to
be able to fulfill the needs of our lives. Retirement nowadays is faced by old
people who need to stop working.

Based on the
problems stated above, the writer has a deep interest to know deeper about the syntactic markers of noun, verb, adjective, and adverb in the
article of Retirement published by New York Times. Therefore, the writer
intends to do a research with the title “Analysis on The Syntactic
Marker of Noun and Verb in the Article About Retirement by New York times”.

1.2             
Research
Question

Based on the background above, the writer states the
research questions as follow:

1.      What kinds of syntactic markers that
are available in New York times article?

2.      How is the structure construction of
the sentences in syntactic markers found in New York times
article?

1.3             
Objective of
the Research

The objectives of this research based on research problem
above are:

1. To
   find out the kinds of syntactic markers that are found in New York times article.
2. To
   explain the structure construction of the sentences in syntactic markers
   found in New York times article

1.4       Scope and
Limitation

           There are
several kinds of syntactic markers in the study of syntax. They are syntactic
marker of verb, noun, adjective and adverb. In this study, the researcher
intends to limit the research by analyzing the syntactic marker of noun and
adjective. And for the article, the researcher chooses the article about
retirement entitled Whatever You do, Call It Work by William L. Hamilton
published on April 21^st, 2008.

CHAPTER    II

LITERATURE REVIEW

A. Syntax is determining the relevant
component part of sentence. It also means as describing these parts grammatically
(Wekker, 1985:5). This definition of syntax implies that we start from what is
regarded as the largest unit of syntactic description –the sentence- and
proceed until we arrive at the smallest meaningful unit. This is called a ‘top
to bottom’ analysis. The units smaller than the sentence will be referred to as
clauses, phrases, words and morphemes respectively.

If a word is combined in other words
in English language and form of syntactic structure, there will be a wide range
of structures with various groups that make up the structure of the word. In
the structural approach, there are four types of syntactic structure. The other
structures are only the combination of them. The structure in English language
are grouped into four based on the structural meaning. Those four types are
structure of modification, structure of predication, structure of
complementation and structure of coordination. In this study the writer
analyzed

more about the first type that is
the structure of modification.

B. structures of modification

Aronoff and Fudeman (2005:1) in his book The Grammar of
Words of a Language stated that in analyzing structures of modification,
it is sometimes useful to talk about the «head» of a construction.
The head of a construction is the single word that «gets modified,»
the word that could by itself stand for the whole construction in the grammar
of the sentence. It is the word in the construction that all the modifying
elements «depend on.»

Matthews (1974:9). Word Formation of Linguistics:
The structures modification is a modifier in syntactic markers
which consists of Function words, Inflections, Derivations,
and Word order. The main Noun marker is function words, called Noun Determiners. Determiners contains articles, determiner as pronoun, and others. The
next is inflection. In inflections, there are two; those are Plural
inflections (-es) and Possessive or Genitive inflection (-‘s). Derivation also
takes an important role to construct the syntactic marker. Derivation can be
added in verb, adjective, noun, or in bound stem. And the last is word order.
Word order can be seen from the position in the sentence. The position of the
sentence can be before or after verb.

The main adjective marker
is word order & function word,
derivation & inflections. In word order & function word, it is about syntactic
marker that is most dominant for adjectives and the accuracy of the word that
is put in two blank spaces of the structure. It is the position between
noun-determiner —noun and position after adjective qualifier —. For
derivation & inflection, they have several elements such as base adjectives and derived adjectives.

For
further detail of theory, here the researcher provides the theory of structure construction of the
sentences in syntactical marker of noun
and adjective.

Table
1. The Data Tabulation of Structure Construction in Syntactic Marker of Noun

NO	MARKER		EXAMPLES
1.	function words	as articles	a = there is a girl over there, I watched a movie an = there is an angel, it’s an apple, I saw an uncle the = the girl beside me is my sister, the boy playing with you was my cousin
as pronouns	My = it is my book, he is my boyfriend, she is my sister Your = it is your book, he is your boyfriend, she is your sister Our = this is our wedding party, those are our books Their = she is their mother, he is their father His = it is his pen, that is his phone Her = this is her veil, I brought her bag
as others	This/these : this is a cap, these are caps Many : there are many people here, I have many caps That/those : that is my friend, those are my friends More : I have more money, I got more chances to do this One : I just have one love, he is the one I love Several : I told you several times, I have given you several chances to change Both : You must take both proficiency tests Toefl and Ielts, I need both of you All : It’s all my mistake, they are all my friends
2.	inflections	Plural inflections (-es)	Book à books (s) : these are my books, I have many books, I bought a lot of  books Box à boxes (es) : I brought many boxes, You have a lot of boxes, we need many boxes Dog à dogs (s) : she has two dogs, he gets three new dogs, Finda and Anton buy female dogs Bus à Buses (es) : three buses had left the town, many buses are on the road Pitch à Pitches (es) : she has good pitches, we need more pitches to win to make our voice strong Potato à Potatoes (es) : I like potatoes, mom is cooking more potatoes for us River à rivers (s) : so many rivers in Rome, This city is full of rivers Cat à cats (s) : those are my cats, I love these cats
Possessive ( -‘s)	Students’ : students’ scores are increasing mom’s : mom’s birthday is near Lila’s : It it Lila’s bag Father’s : Today is father’s birthday My friend’s : my friend’s jewelry is expensive my aunt’s : my aunt’s wedding party is amazing
3.	derivations	Add in Verb	(-ment)           = payment, agreement (less)                = careless, reckless, flawless (mis)                = misjudge, mismove (pre)                 = prejudge, pretest
		Add in Adjective	(-ity)               = facility, hostility : we have complete facility, it is just your hostility toward me (-ness)              = happiness, boldness : we’ve got happiness in life, it is our boldness to start the war  (ful)                = joyful, cheerful, stressful : this is joyful, you’re cheerful, I am really stressful right now (ism)                = bilingualism : we use bilingualism in this class
		Add in Noun	(-ian)               = mathematician, librarian : he is mathematician, he works as librarian (-ship)              = friendship, sponsorship : this is called friendship, I need sponsorship to support me   (-dom)           = kingdom: our kingdom is powerful  (-hood)           = neighborhood: he is my neighborhood
		Add in Bound Stem	(er)                   = carpenter: my father is a carpenter (ism, ist)          = communism, communist : we built communism to gather communist
4.	word order	the position in the sentence.	—          She has got the sponsorship Sponsorship is Noun There is article (the) There is derivation (ship) It is put after verb “got” —          Windy has built a kingdom Kingdom is Noun There is article (a) There is derivation (dom) It is put after verb (built)

Table 2. The Data Tabulation of Structure
Construction in Syntactic Marker of Adjective

CHAPTER    III

METHODOLOGY

1.
Research Design

This
research is kind of qualitative research.

2.
Source of Data and Data

The
source of data is the researcher herself. And the data that will be used by the
researcher in this study is the article from New York Times about retirement entitled
Whatever You Do, Call It Work by WILLIAM L. HAMILTON Published: April
21, 2008. The researcher will analyze the article using syntactic markers of
Noun and Adjective.

3. Instruments of the research

The
researcher will use Documentation (Article) as the instrument to support her
research.

The
documentation will be used by the researcher to make preparation in doing the
research.

4.
Data Collection

In
collecting the data, firstly researcher tried to find articles that have topics
to be analyzed using syntactic markers. After the researcher gets the articles,
then the researcher decides one article to be analyzed using syntactic markers.
In choosing the article, researcher tried to look and read at glance the
article that has as many as possible about syntactic markers of noun and
adjective. After finding the article, researcher then analyzes the article using
syntactic markers.

5.
Technique of Data Analysis

In
analyzing the data, researcher will find the syntactic markers that are
available in the article. Then, the researcher will present the result in the
data tabulation.