Word for the way one speaks

There are strings of sound called sentences, strings of sound called words, strings of sound called syllables. Syllables are strings of vowel and consonant sounds. And the smallest bits of sound people recognize are vowels and consonants. But even vowels and consonants are strings of smaller sounds.

Strictly speaking, no two language sounds are ever the same. But a person learns to ignore some differences between sounds, depending on his language. To a speaker of English, the sounds of p in pot and spot are alike. Actually, the first p is followed by a small puff of air. The second p isn’t. But whether or not the p is puffed, the meanings of pot and spot do not change. So in English, no one pays attention to the difference. In other languages, however—Northern Chinese, for instance—a puffed p may change the meaning of a word. So speakers of Northern Chinese learn to hear the difference.

English has one p sound. Northern Chinese has two—a puffed p and an unpuffed one. Such classes of sounds are called phonemes. A phoneme is the smallest bit of sound that may change meaning. Most often phonemes are vowels or consonants.

Phonemes combine in patterns. And these patterns vary from language to language. In Spanish, for instance, the sp combination never begins a word. But many words in English begin with sp. So an English word like Spanish is difficult for a Spanish speaker to pronounce. Often a Spanish speaker will say Espanish.

In English the sound ng comes only at the end of a syllable—ring, ringer, ringworm. But in some languages of Africa, ng may begin a syllable as well as end a syllable. The last name of Kenyan novelist James Ngugi is an example.

Most phonemes have no meaning. But they form strings of sound that do. The smallest string of sound with meaning is called a morpheme. A morpheme can be what we call a word, or it can be a piece of a word. Take eater, in English. Eat is a morpheme—it can’t be broken down into anything smaller with meaning. The other morpheme is —er, meaning “someone who —s.” In eaters, there is still a third morpheme, —s, meaning “plural” or “more than one.”

If eater is a word, eat is a piece of that word. But in anteater, eater is only a piece of a word. Of course, eater can be used as a word in English. So can eat and ant. So on that basis they might be called words. This would set them apart from morphemes like —er and —s, which are commonly used only as pieces of words.

All languages have what might be called words. But the nature of a word varies from language to language. For instance take Chukchi, a language spoken in Siberia. In Chukchi, the—big—reindeer—a—person—has—killed is one unit, one word. It can’t be broken up into smaller units the way it would be in English. There are many such words in Chukchi, Inuit, and other languages. In Northern Chinese, on the other hand, many syllables—and even parts of syllables—are what might be called words in English.

Boundaries between words may shift or disappear in actual speech. In English, for instance, found it often comes out foun dit; don’t know becomes dunno; and so on. This is one of the things that makes it hard for people learning a second language to understand speakers of that language.

The sounds of language include spoken signals. The voice rises and falls. It stresses some sounds. And it pauses between some sounds.

Such spoken signals may change meaning. In English, stress makes a difference between con′ tract and con tract′. A pause makes a difference between careless and care less. And pitch—the rise and fall of the voice—makes a difference between “Really?” and “Really.”

In languages such as English, pitch is added in a sentence. And it belongs to a place in the sentence, not to a word. Compare “Really?”; “Truly?”; “Honest?” The rising pitch goes with a certain place in that type of sentence. It doesn’t matter what the word is. In fact the same words will take different pitches in other sentences.

But in some languages, called tone languages, certain pitches belong to certain words. In Northern Chinese, for instance, chyan spoken in a level tone means “thousand.” In a rising tone it means “money”; in a dipping tone, “shallow”; in a falling tone, “owe.” In such languages, the same pitches and the same words always go together.

Words and pieces of words clump together to form larger words. Prefixes and suffixes are added to a root. Or words are combined to form a compound word. How words combine with other words and pieces depends on the language. In English, for instance, nouns often add —s or —es to form the plural (book, books; box, boxes).

Some languages, such as Japanese, usually add no endings for the plural. Japanese hon means “book” or “books”; hako means “box” or “boxes.” But Japanese verbs, like many English verbs, add an ending for past tense (-mashita). Arukimasu (walk) becomes arukimashita (walked).

Languages most often add prefixes and/or suffixes to a root. But sometimes changes are made inside the root itself. Thus, the Arabic bint (girl) becomes banāt (girls), and the English mouse becomes mice.

Words are placed together in groups called phrases. Again, the order in which they are placed is governed by the language. An Arabic speaker would say the apple rotten instead of the rotten apple. Instead of the phrase in the kitchen, a Swahili speaker would use the word kitchen—in.

Each language has its own special phrases. One type is what might be called a usage group. These are words grouped together so often that they sound odd in any other order. Stars and stripes and bread and butter are examples in English.

Another type of special phrase is the idiom. An idiom doesn’t mean what its individual words mean. In Italian, “In the mouth of the wolf” is an idiom. It means “Good luck.” And kick the bucket in English has nothing to do with buckets.

Words also are grouped together in clauses, but how the parts of a clause are arranged also is governed by the language. In English, a common arrangement is subject-verb-direct object, such as Bobby Joe (subject) ate (verb) my fortune cookie (direct object). In many other languages, the same clause would be ordered as subject-direct object-verb: Bobby Joe (subject) my fortune cookie (direct object) ate (verb).

Chunks of speech are often grouped by types, such as nouns or verbs. These are sometimes called parts of speech. Parts of speech are not the same in every language. Nor is the way they act the same. Turkish, for instance, has postpositions instead of prepositions. Instead of in your hat, a Turkish speaker would say hat—your—in.

Parts of speech have a variety of jobs to do. Nouns in English, for instance, may act as subjects. And verbs may act as predicates.

The spoken signals of language form patterns in phrases and clauses. No two languages have exactly the same patterns. In many languages, however, a statement commonly has a special shape. Often it drops at the end and fades into silence, as in “I guess I’ll get the papers and go home.” A question that can be answered yes or no often has a different shape. At the end it usually goes up and breaks off, as in the question “Did you see that?” (See also grammar.)

The sounds of words have no meaning to begin with. People attach a meaning to them.

Every day someone thinks up a new word. Or someone uses an old word in a new way. Someone might suddenly say, “Hey, that’s like zonko, you know? Boy, that’s totally zonko!” If no one pays much attention, that’s the end of zonko. But maybe friends and other people begin to use the word, too—“Wow! Zonko!” Then another word has been born.

Some words have more of what might be called outside meaning than others. Orange, for instance, means “a reddish-yellow color, a fruit,” etc. But it also means tigers and sunsets and excitement—meanings outside the dictionary definitions. Words like the, and, to have little outside meaning. They are sometimes called function words (see grammar).

Much-repeated words may mean less after a while. Clichés are an example. A cliché is an expression that loses its punch through overuse. Used sparingly, “That’s really great!” may get a listener’s special attention. If it’s used too often, however, it does not mean much to most listeners.

Common expressions of courtesy often lose meaning. Chances are that a casual acquaintance who asks “How are you?” doesn’t really want to know.

Few words have exactly the same meaning. Not only are the Burmese and Arabic words for “house” different, they mean different things to a Burmese villager and a desert Arab.

Return and take back are much alike in English. But like all synonyms they do not always mean the same. There’s a world of difference between “We took Ralphie back to the monkey house” and “We returned Ralphie to the monkey house.” But in practice, speakers accept certain words as more or less the same. This helps them communicate more easily.

The same word often has different meanings, depending on how it’s used with other words. In English, go can mean “leave,” as in the phrase “Please don’t go”; “work,” as in “My watch won’t go”; and “reach,” as in “It doesn’t go far enough.” Homonyms, or homophones, like bear and bare are more or less the same word to a listener. It’s how they’re used with other words that gives them different meanings.

Not only do the same words have different meanings; the same groups of words often do. “She drove into the bank this morning” is an example. Was it a drive-in bank? Or did she zig when she should have zagged? Or what? The surrounding sentences will give clues to the meaning.

A phrase or clause doesn’t always mean the same as its words. Idioms are an example. Another example is the way the words are spoken. “Oh, sure I will!” in a sarcastic tone means something very different from what the words say.

A word commonly has different ways of meaning. What a word refers to is only one way it means. Thus, the word prunes refers to a food. But much of the meaning of words has to do with the speaker’s attitude. So the meaning of prunes depends also on how the speaker feels about them. The word has a pleasant meaning if the speaker likes them, an unpleasant meaning if he or she doesn’t.

The meaning a word refers to is its denotation. What a word suggests because of the speaker’s or listener’s attitude is its connotation.

Languages have different ways of separating meaning. The Inuit language has separate words for falling snow and snow on the ground, while English uses only one word for both—snow. Shona, a language of Zimbabwe, has three words for all the colors. One word means “red, purple, orange.” Another means “white, yellow, green.”

People don’t usually talk to themselves. They talk to other people. And their talk has social meaning.

Only part of the social meaning of a conversation is carried by words. Take saying hello or talking about the weather. Often such talk has little dictionary meaning. It is a way of being friendly or polite.

Choice of language often has social meaning. An informal “Yeah” in the neighborhood carries a relaxed meaning. Often it is replaced by a formal “Yes” in a classroom or at a job interview.

Spanish-speaking Americans often switch from Spanish at home to English in the classroom. The same principle applies to other bilingual students. Use of special work words may mean a speaker is an architect or plumber or foundry worker. In many countries, the words a speaker uses label him a member of the upper or lower classes.

Swear words have social meaning. So do expressions using God’s name in vain. The same goes for conversation about such things as using the toilet. Usually these are no-no’s, and they have that meaning attached to them.

Some meanings attach to words. These are dictionary meanings. And some meanings, called grammatical meanings, attach to the signals of grammar.

The form a word takes may have grammatical meaning. In English, —s or —es added to a noun means “plural” or “more than one.” A mashita ending on a Japanese verb means “past tense.”

Word order may have grammatical meaning. Take the English sentence “Mary bit John.” In English, the common order for statements is subject-verb-direct object. So Mary means “subject,” and John means “direct object.” It’s Mary who does the biting, John who gets bitten.

Function words have grammatical meaning. In English, the or a means that a noun is coming up. Quién (who) at the beginning of a Spanish sentence means that the sentence is a question.

Spoken signals can have dictionary meaning. Pitch in the words of tone languages is an example. But spoken signals can also have grammatical meaning. In English, for example, stress on sus— in suspect signals that the word is a noun. Stress on —spect, on the other hand, means “verb.” At the end of a clause, a drop in pitch with a fading into silence commonly means “statement.”

The words of one language seldom mean the same as the words of another. Take the Russian “Ja govorila.” It can be translated into English as “I said.” But the meanings are not exactly the same. The verb govorila tells a Russian speaker that “I” is a female, and that “I” spoke more than once or hadn’t finished speaking. Neither of these meanings is carried by the English words.

In some cases, the same word may not have the same meaning in two different languages. English borrowed the word sputnik from Russian. It means “artificial satellite.” But in Russian, the word also means “fellow-traveler” and “guide.” So sputnik in English does not mean the same as sputnik in Russian.

A translation, at best, conveys something similar to the original language. It tries to transfer meanings from one language to another. But different words and different mechanics of language must be used. Take the Japanese “Musukosan wa hebi wo tabemashita.” Word by word this reads, “Your son + wa + snake + wo + ate.” But that’s not a translation. Wa and wo have no dictionary meaning, only grammatical meaning—wa comes after a subject, wo after a direct object. So wa and wo are dropped in translation. This leaves us with the translated phrase, “Your son snake ate.” But in English the direct object (snake) should follow the verb (ate). So the words must be switched around to read “Your son ate snake.” That’s still not comfortable English, though. Japanese has no word for a, so it must be added. The result is “Your son ate a snake.” But even that doesn’t carry over all the meanings of the original Japanese phrase. Musukosan, for instance, has a meaning of respect that is missing in the English your son. Just the same, it’s a good translation. And it is important to note that a Japanese speaker trying to translate “Your son ate a snake” from English into Japanese faces the same problems in reverse.

A translation doesn’t usually take the same form as the original. Sometimes a noun can be translated by a noun, and a phrase can be translated by a phrase. But it doesn’t work that way very often. The German phrase “Guten Tag” means “Good day,” but it’s better translated as “Hello”—people don’t usually say “Good day” in English. The French phrase s’il vous plaît (if it pleases you) is better translated in English as please.

As we can see, the idea of only one correct translation leads to problems. For instance, the Italian “La casa è a Sua disposizione” can be translated as “The house is at your disposal” or perhaps as “Make yourself at home.” It is both a matter of choice and a matter of style. Much depends on the circumstances—for example, whether the words were used in a formal or informal way.

When computers are used to translate material, the result is called machine translation. A computer can work much faster than a human in looking up a word. But the machines have many problems. They have trouble identifying the same sounds made by different people. Sometimes different sounds are spelled with the same letters. For example, compare the sounds of the s in cats and in dogs. Computers have trouble distinguishing those sounds. And computers have much trouble with meaning—words with different possible meanings, sentences with different possible meanings.

A computer is only as good as the information put into it. And that’s the heart of the machine translation problem. No one has all the answers to how any language works.

The voice carries more than the sounds of language. It carries sounds that go along with language.

A voice may tell whether the speaker is sick or healthy, sleepy or wide awake, drunk or sober. A voice can cry or laugh, moan, groan, or giggle—apart from the words. A voice can drawl. It can hiss or hesitate. It can even fall silent in a special way—the silence of shame, the silence of anger, the silence of bitter disappointment. None of these sounds is language. They are paralanguage, sounds that go along with language.

Body movements, too, go along with language. Sometimes they take the place of actual speech.

Some body signals probably can’t be helped. Someone who says “Wha-a-at?” may show disbelief by actions as well as words. The eyes may widen, the mouth open a little wider perhaps. Eyebrows may draw together as angry words are spoken. A slight hunch of the shoulders may go along with a confession of fear.

Body signals that can’t be helped sometimes contradict the messages of spoken language. A look may say no, even if the words say yes. The way a person stands may say “I don’t like you,” even if the words say “We’re friends.”

Some body signals are deliberate. Deliberate signals, called gestures, have to be learned. People in different places use different gestures and attach different meanings to them. In many places, an up-and-down nod means yes. But in the Middle East, an upward jerk of the head may mean no. Western Europeans often shake the head from side to side to say no. But in some Arab countries, that same gesture means yes. Most Chinese motion “Come here” with palm down instead of palm up. French people often substitute a shrug for “I don’t know.”

Even among the same group of people, a gesture can have many possible meanings. In the United States, for instance, a wink can mean “Hi, there.” Or it might mean “This is our secret,” or “You’ll get a laugh out of this,” and so on.

People have many ways of getting through to one another (see communication) besides using spoken language. Written languages are another way to represent spoken language. Morse code and semaphore code, too, are ways to convey speech. Their signals stand for letters of the alphabet, which in turn stand for spoken language. The same is true of Braille, the reading alphabet for the blind that is composed of a series of raised dots representing letters, numbers, simple words and letter combinations, and punctuation signs. An alternative language for the deaf is sign language. Sign language uses hand signs, facial expressions, and finger spelling to communicate without the spoken word.

Indian sign language works much the same way. Indians of the Great Plains worked out a method to communicate with each other even if they spoke different languages. They conveyed information through hand gestures, some of which were so graphic they could be understood by people who did not know the signs.

Other language alternatives include whistle talk and drum talk. Whistle talk is used for communicating over long distances by people of the Canary Islands. Drums are used to send messages in many parts of Africa. The signals of these systems stand for the words of spoken language.

One way a language changes is by borrowing words from other languages. It’s easier to borrow a word for a new thing than to make one up. English, for instance, borrowed hula from Hawaiian, karate from Japanese, and pizza from Italian. Words are often borrowed from a language that has prestige. In East Asia, Chinese culture was much admired from early times. As a result, many Chinese words were adopted into other languages of Asia. In Europe, Greek culture had great prestige. Today there are many Greek words in European languages.

Borrowed words are often changed somewhat. For one thing, they’re not pronounced the same. Sauerkraut, for instance, begins with a z sound in the original German. For another thing, borrowed words often don’t mean exactly the same. The word dancing, borrowed from English, means “nightclub” in French, for instance.

Not just words are borrowed. Sometimes a way of saying something is borrowed, though the actual words are not. For instance, German Wolkenkratzer (cloud-scratcher) is borrowed from English skyscraper. Sounds also are borrowed. A few languages of South Africa, for instance, have borrowed a kind of click sound from neighbor languages. Sometimes even a way of putting words together is borrowed. For example, compare the phrase “the children want that they eat” with “the children want to eat.” Balkan languages have borrowed such an arrangement from each other.

Borrowing from other languages is a way a language changes from the outside. But some changes come from the inside.

Sometimes a language borrows from itself. New words are coined from the old, or old words take on new meanings. Hamburger dropped the ham to become cheeseburger, chiliburger, and so forth. The French traire, which meant “to pull,” now means “to milk.”

Sometimes old words take on new sounds, new forms, and even new ways of acting. English brethren became brothers. Bug stopped being just a noun (“Eek! A bug!”) to become a verb meaning to annoy (“Don’t bug me.”).

Sometimes there is a sort of minus borrowing—words slowly fade out of use. Hardly anyone wears breeches anymore. People rarely say verily or “Lo!” And lamplighters, organ grinders, and iceboxes are mostly things of the past.

Another way of changing from within has to do with the way a language works. A language changes its rules, so to speak.

In Old French a phrase like my back used to have the in front of it—the my back. French doesn’t, however, work that way any more. In English, not used to follow any verb. Now it can follow only a few. Thus, people still say “You had better not” or “I did not.” But they would no longer say “I like it not” or “The mailman comes not.”

Language sounds, too, work by what might be called rules. In Latin, a word of fewer than three syllables was stressed on the first syllable. Thus, nav′ is (ship), and pu′ er (boy). But in French, one of the languages that grew out of Latin, stress no longer works that way. Thus, we get che val′ (horse) and a mi′ (friend).

A speaker of Arabic and a speaker of Malay have different speech habits and don’t understand one another’s speech. A speaker from the Tennessee hills and a speaker from Chicago have different speech habits too. But they can pretty much understand each other. Arabic and Malay are called languages. Chicagoese and Tennessee mountainese are called dialects. A dialect is a variety of a language.

The line between languages and dialects is not always clear. Dialects are sometimes called languages, and languages are sometimes called dialects. Northern Italians and Sicilians commonly do not understand each other’s speech. Yet both speak so-called dialects of Italian. Danish and Norwegian are called different languages. Yet Danes and Norwegians pretty well understand one another.

A country’s boundaries can be marked on a map. But language boundaries can’t be readily distinguished—at least, not in the same way. A line between two languages would mean everyone on one side of the line spoke one language. It would also mean everyone on the other side of the line spoke another language. But language just doesn’t work that way.

For one thing, some people use two or more languages. French and English are spoken by many Canadians, especially by those living in Quebec. Quite a few Swiss can speak both German and French. Many people of Paraguay are fluent in both Spanish and Guarani, an Amerindian language. Quite a number of Israelis understand Hebrew, Yiddish, and a European language, such as Russian.

For another thing, languages have dialects. And often the dialects of one language merge into the dialects of a neighbor language. Take French and Italian. Anyone going from Paris to Naples can hear small language differences between each town and the next. At no point can a sharp line be drawn. Yet the French of Paris and the Italian of Naples are different languages.

Differences in speech habits are what make dialects. Speakers pronounce words differently. They use different words for the same thing. And they sometimes put words together in different ways.

A London cockney will say ’arry for Harry, ’orrible for horrible. Hot dog, frankfurter, wiener, and red hot are all words for the same thing in the United States. “Goin’ git me some” and “I’m going to get some” are two ways of saying much the same thing. Each way of pronouncing words, of using words, is right for a particular dialect. No dialect is better or worse than another—only different.

Strictly speaking, no two people have exactly the same dialect. Every speaker pronounces at least some words a little differently from everyone else.

Probably no two persons know exactly the same set of words. Everyone puts his words together in his own ways. And to complicate matters, a person’s dialect is always changing.

Just the same, there are patterns of dialect. People in certain neighborhoods, certain cities, certain regions speak a lot alike—even if there are some differences. Many New Yorkers have a way of speaking that sets them apart. The speech of most people from the Southern United States is also distinctive. American English is distinct from Australian English, which is distinct from the British English spoken in England. Such dialects, spoken by people of different places, might be called geographical dialects.

Another type of dialect is the social dialect. Social dialects are spoken by people of different groups. In many countries, people in high society speak differently from working-class people. People who work together—astronauts, doctors, social workers, auto mechanics—often share special work words, a sort of shop talk. The language of older people often is not the same as that of the young.

In many places one dialect has more social standing than the others. Often it becomes the language of government and is taught in the schools. Such a dialect is called a standard dialect. Take the dialect of Paris. Originally it was one of many dialects spoken in what is now France. As Paris became a center for government and culture, the Parisian dialect became relatively more important. Now it is the standard French dialect.

All people have more than one dialect. Dialects depend on where people live, what groups they move with, their education, and so on. For instance, a Tokyo engineer from Kyoto might use his own Kyoto dialect at home but would speak the standard dialect of Tokyo while at work. His speech would differ in some ways from that of his wife. And it would differ from that of his teenage son. With other engineers he would use a kind of engineering shop talk. Such switching from one dialect to another is common.

People also have more than one way of using their dialects. There is a relaxed way, such as the way one speaks with friends, for instance. And there is a formal way of talking, such as the way you would talk to a job interviewer.

Language has no boundaries. Speakers of the same language may live in many countries. And every country has many languages. But often, one of the languages of a country is chosen as the standard language. And this is the language taught in the schools and used for official business. The standard language is used for easier communication. It is also used to unite the people of a country.

In France, for instance, the standard language is French. But not all French people speak French. There are German speakers in Alsace-Lorraine, Breton speakers in Brittany, and Basque speakers in the Pyrenees mountains. In southern France the Provençal dialects are so different from standard French that they can be considered a separate language.

Often a standard language does make communication easier. French is taught in all the schools of France, so most French people can get through to each other. For instance, a Basque speaker can use French to talk to a Breton speaker. A standard language can also help give speakers of different languages a feeling of oneness. An example is Modern Hebrew, the standard language of Israel.

The trouble is, a standard language doesn’t always work the way it’s supposed to. There are no first-class or second-class languages. But because a standard language is the official language, it often has a higher social standing. And nonstandard languages are often considered less important, and may even be looked down upon. In such instances, nonstandard speakers learn the standard language only if they have to. And even then they resent it. The resentment may take the form of not learning it well—just enough to get by. Or they may simply refuse to learn it at all.

Some countries have more than one standard language. Belgium uses French and Flemish. Canada uses French and English. Switzerland has three standard languages—French, Italian, and German. India has two standard languages—Hindi and English—but more than 20 ethnic languages are also widely spoken.

Problems arise because one language is—or seems to be—more favored than another. In Belgium, Flemish speakers have protested the favored position of French. In India, many have protested the favored position of Hindi. Problems also arise because most people in most places use only one language. So unless all a country’s languages are taught in the schools, which usually isn’t practical, most people can’t understand speakers of another language.

In some countries, an outside language is sometimes chosen as a standard language. Take Ghana. Its people speak perhaps 50 or more languages. So English was adopted as an official language. And it was used for teaching in the schools.

Most people speak only their first language—the language learned in the home. But many also learn a second language. There are several kinds of second languages. One kind is the language of the other speaker. When a Basque speaker uses French to talk to a French speaker, for instance, he or she is using the other speaker’s language.

But sometimes speakers of different languages don’t use the language of the other speaker. They use a third language. Such a language is sometimes called a lingua franca. A speaker of Telugu from southern India and a speaker of Hindi from northern India may talk to each other in English. Then English is being used as a lingua franca. A Ukrainian speaker and a Sakha speaker from Siberia may use Russian as their common language. In that case, Russian is their lingua franca.

Another kind of second language is a pidgin language. Pidgins are often used for brief contacts between people—between two traders, say. A pidgin is a sort of hybrid of both the speakers’ languages. But the vocabulary is greatly reduced. And the way words fit together is greatly simplified.

The first known Pidgin English was used by English speakers and Native Americans. Russonorsk was a pidgin of Russian and Norwegian used by Russian and Norwegian fishermen for roughly a hundred years before World War I. A pidgin of Dutch and Malay, known as Bazaar Malay, was used in the Dutch East Indies. Bahasa Indonesia, the official language of Indonesia, is based on Bazaar Malay.

Sometimes a pidgin becomes the first language of a group of speakers. When this happens, it becomes known as a creole language. In the Caribbean, African slaves from the same tribe were often separated. This was done to reduce the danger of revolt. So the slaves on a plantation had no common language. They could only talk to each other in a pidgin of their owner’s language—such as Pidgin French or Pidgin Spanish. In time the slaves married and had children. The children learned the pidgin as their only language. At that point, their language was a creole language.

Gullah is a creole language. It is spoken on and near the Sea Islands off Georgia. Louisiana Creole is a French-based language. Another French-based creole is Haitian Creole, the language of Haiti. Speakers of Louisiana Creole and Haitian Creole commonly understand each other. Jamaican Creole is an English-based language of Jamaica. So-called Hawaiian Pidgin English is actually a creole language. It is the speech of a large number of people brought up in the Hawaiian Islands.

The Old Testament tells of a time when there was one world language. It tells of how Nimrod ruined it all by building a tower to reach Heaven, and how the Lord made the workmen speak different languages. So the Tower of Babel was never finished.

The idea of a world language, or interlanguage, is very old. Hundreds have been invented. But few have received much attention. The first one to become well known was Volapük. It was introduced by a Bavarian clergyman, Johann Martin Schleyer, in 1880. Schleyer based his language mostly on German and English, with many words also from languages like Latin—French, Italian, Spanish, and so on. The name Volapük meant “world speech.”

Volapük was popular in Europe for a while, but it didn’t last. For one thing, some of its sounds were difficult for non-German speakers. The ü sound in Volapük is an example. For another thing, the way its words fit together was complicated. Volapük went out of use shortly after the invention of another—and simpler—interlanguage, Esperanto.

Esperanto is probably the best-known interlanguage. It was introduced in 1887 by a Polish doctor, L.L. Zamenhof. The name Esperanto is based on a word for “hope.” Zamenhof felt that language was at the root of problems between people. He believed a world language would bring peace and understanding.

Esperanto is based mostly on languages like French, Italian, and Spanish, with a number of words also from German and Greek. Both the sounds and the mechanics of the language are fairly simple—for most Europeans. Esperanto is used in many countries. Schools teach it, and books are published in Esperanto.

The trouble with world languages is that in actuality, they’re not spoken worldwide. Mostly they are made for speakers of English, German, French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, and a number of related languages. A speaker of Northern Chinese, for instance, would have as much trouble with Esperanto as with French or German. The same is true of a speaker of Inuit or a speaker of Tamil, a language of southern India. Esperanto ignores the sounds and mechanics and meanings of most of the world’s languages.

Another problem with world languages has to do with language change. Suppose Esperanto, say, were adopted as a world language. It would soon be spoken in many different dialects. For one thing, people have different speech habits. For another thing, language is always changing. Dialects of people far apart would become more and more different. This would be especially true of people in remote places, people having little or no contact with speakers of other dialects. It would probably also be especially true of people who felt that Esperanto was not “their” language, that it represented the languages of other people. Given time enough, resistance or resentment enough, and separation enough, speakers of different dialects would no longer be able to understand one another. And a new interlanguage would have to be invented all over again.

Languages have dialects. And some of those dialects grow so far apart that they become languages. And the new languages separate into dialects. And some of those become languages. Such related languages are called a language family.