Spoken Dialog Agent Applications using Emotional Expressions
Kaoru Sumi, in Emotions, Technology, and Design, 2016
Results and Discussion
People are easily persuaded when the agent was favorable impression. This result is very natural; however, the combination of favorable was different from our prediction. First, we predicted that words and facial expressions reflected on the emotions aroused by the scenario would lead to the most favorable impression, so we set these data as the control group. In fact, there were more favorable impressions than those obtained for the control group. For example, the words and facial expressions were “joy” when the user’s emotion was “joy” for the control group. It is very interesting that when the user’s emotion was “joy,” the agent’s words for “joy” with facial expressions of “surprise,” “sadness,” or “fright” were most favorable. On the other hand, when the user’s emotion was “fright,” the agent’s words for “fright” with facial expressions of “disgust” or “sadness” were the most favorable.
These facial expressions were recognized as the emotion conveyed by the words and were more empathetic and somewhat meaningful emotions. For example, when the user’s emotion was “joy,” the agent’s words of “joy” with facial expressions of “surprise” or “fright” might have been recognized as the agent being exaggeratedly surprised at the “joy” scenario. When the user’s emotion was “joy,” the agent’s words of “joy” with facial expressions of “sadness” might have been recognized as the agent being highly pleased from the heart at the “joy” scenario. When the user’s emotion was “fright,” the agent’s words of “fright” with facial expressions of “sadness” might have been recognized as the agent grieving deeply at the user’s “fright” scenario. When the user’s emotion was “fright,” the agent’s words of “fright” with facial expressions of “disgust” might have been recognized as the agent feeling deep hate at the user’s “fright” scenario.
Through these observations, we concluded that there is a rule for facial expressions: in a certain scenario, synchronizing foreseen emotion of the user caused by the situation will make a favorable impression. For example, when the user has the emotion of “joy,” he/she wants someone to be surprised or highly pleased. Then, showing a surprised or highly pleased face expression makes the user feel favorable impression. When the user has the emotion of “fright,” he/she wants someone to grieve deeply or disgust. Then, showing grieved or disgust face expression make the user feel a favorable impression. Users want the agent to synchronize their foreseen emotion by hearing the news instead of simply showing synchronized reaction according to emotion at present time.
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**Learning Theory
Igor Kononenko, Matjaž Kukar, in Machine Learning and Data Mining, 2007
13.1.3 Undecidability of universal formalisms
It is interesting to note that besides Turing machines and recursive functions, which are considered to be universal formalisms in the sense of computability, the analogous universality, in the sense of descriptive power and (un)decidability, holds also for grammars of type 0 (i.e. grammars without constraints) and for the first order predicate calculus:
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For any given recursive function it holds that for the given argument values it is computable, if it is defined, otherwise the computation may never terminate.
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For any given Turing machine M it holds that on a given input word w it will terminate after a finite number of steps, if the w ∈ L(M), otherwise it may never terminate.
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For any given grammar of type 0 it holds that if a given expression (word) is from the grammar language, then it can be derived after a finite number of steps, otherwise we may not be able to prove that the expression is not from the grammar language.
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For any given theory described in the first order predicate calculus it holds that if a given logic expression is true (derivable) in that theory, we can prove it in a finite number of steps, otherwise we may not be able to disprove it.
The undecidability holds for all four formalisms:
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There is no universal algorithm which accepts as an input the description of any Turing machine M and its (arbitrary) input word w and computes whether w ∈ L(M), and which always terminates its computation after a finite number of steps.
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There is no universal algorithm that always terminates its computation after a finite number of steps, and which for any function φ ∈ Frec and any number x ∈ ℕ computes whether φ(x) ↓.
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There is no universal algorithm that always terminates its computation after a finite number of steps, and which for any grammar of type 0 and any input expression computes whether the expression is in the language generated by the grammar.
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There is no universal algorithm that always terminates its computation after a finite number of steps, and which for any theory described in the first order predicate calculus and any input logic expression computes whether the expression is true (derivable) in the given theory.
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Exploiting Natural Language Generation in Scene Interpretation
Carles Fernández, … Jordi Gonzàlez, in Human-Centric Interfaces for Ambient Intelligence, 2010
4.7.1 Qualitative Results
A qualitative comparison between the generated data and the collected set was carried out regarding several concerns: The main objective at a semantic level has been to detect the differences between the set of facts detected by the subjects and that generated by the system. We also wanted to learn the mechanisms of reference used and which types of words, expressions, and connectors were being employed most often. These were compared to our choices. When considering the facts to compare to the inputs, those having closely related meanings were gathered together, e.g., notice–realize, and run after–chase–chase after.
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A practical rule for simplicity is deduced from the results. The majority of cases avoid obvious explanations that can be logically derived from a more expressive linguistic choice. When one states “A man walks down the sidewalk,” there is no need to include “A man appears.” Also, there is no need to state that a person is “bending” when picking up an object; that is obvious when the object is known to be on the ground.
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The greater difference regarding expressiveness occurs when the subjects deduce the agent intentions via context using common sense—for instance, “He waves his hands in amazement that the car didn’t stop” or “He seemed somewhat hesitant.” Sometimes, situations in the scene are anticipated, such as “A person is walking to the zebra crossing to meet someone.” These constructions are very useful in discourse.
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One of the main tasks lacking in the described generation system is the aggregation of simple sentences into more complex and expressive ones, using mechanisms such as coordination or subordination. This has the main advantage of emphasizing certain elements of the discourse. For instance, “After crossing the street they stop, one of them puts his bag on the ground, and while they are talking, another guy comes and snatches the bag” prioritizes the object left over the crossing and the theft over the talk.
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The use of certain adverbs, adjectives, and other complementary words has been seen as leading toward a richer discourse. These include “nearly hit by an oncoming vehicle,” “jumps back in surprise,” “moves back slightly,” and “they only crossed the street halfway.”
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Logic from Russell to Church
Peter M. Simons, in Handbook of the History of Logic, 2009
4 NOMINALISTIC METALOGIC
This did not stop Leśniewski from exercising utmost rigour in formulating the principles of his system. But in this too he was distinctly unorthodox. Because he rejected platonism, Leśniewski conceived of his logical systems not as sets of abstract propositions or ideal sentence-types, but as concrete collections of physical complexes, growing in time by the addition of new theses. Since no such system is ever infinite, yet the ways in which they might grow, consonant with logical practice, are not given in advance, Leśniewski was forced to give directives which say when it is permitted to add a new thesis to a given system at any given stage. This meant that he in effect had to anticipate in advance and describe precisely but schematically the general form that any thesis could take in relation to prior theses. It was to the formulation of these metalogical directives that he gave his greatest effort.
In the course of formulating his directives, Leśniewski introduced a rich metalogical vocabulary, the terms of which were linked by a series of metalogical definitions he called ‘Terminological Explanations’. The complexity of these was such that he was obliged to abbreviate them in the language of ontology, enriched with a number of primitive metalinguistic terms such as ‘word’, ‘expression, ‘first word of expression’, ‘parenthesis symmetric to’, and more. The terminological explanations and directives for protothetic run to many pages, containing initial explanations, 49 terminological explanations and five directives for extending the system. The definition of ‘definition of protothetic’ alone runs to 18 clauses, and was the single achievement of which Leśniewski was proudest. It was the sloppiness of previous accounts of definition, with the exception of Frege, that prompted Leśniewski to formulate directives for appropriate definitions. These include that the expression defined occur only once on one side of an equivalence, with universally quantified variables, that the definiens employ only expressions previously defined, and so on. It sounds simple but in fact is not. In his advanced graduate seminars Leśniewski typically took three semesters to present the directives, proving by countermodels that every clause of every terminological explanation is logically independent of every other. No logician before or since took such trouble to be so scrupulously exact in their logic. The force of the directives is not imperative or prescriptive. There is no injunction to extend any logical system. Suppose a logical system (concrete collection of inscriptions) has been constructed according to the directives, starting from an inscription of the axiom and proceeding according to the directives up to a certain thesis. Now a logician takes it upon herself to extend the system by adding a new inscription. What the directives do is give the conditions under which any newly added inscription is a legitimate extension. They do not tell the logician how she should extend the system, which is a matter of will and ingenuity. Assuming the axiom is true, it can be seen intuitively that any thesis added according to the directives will preserve truth if all the preceding theses are true. In other words, the system is sound. Leśniewski strove (successfully) to achieve this, but did not prove it.
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Emotional Intelligence and Mindfulness
Frank John Ninivaggi MD, in Learned Mindfulness, 2020
3.6 Emotional Literacy: The Refinement of Emotional Intelligence
Emotional awareness is the ability to identify, label, and use emotions and feelings in fundamental ways. As growth and development proceed, this capacity becomes refined with the nuances imputing subtlety, character, and uniqueness to an unfolding emotionally literate personality. What had been one emotion expands to many feeling states.
Positive emotions and attitudes such as love, affection, optimism, happiness, enjoyment, surprise, acceptance, cooperativeness, mercy, forgiveness, and compassion are linchpins vital to sustained success. They secure relationships and support a sense of emotional integrity and self-containment. These contribute to enhancing self-concept and self-esteem in both sender and receiver. The perception of happiness with its variants of love and affection are universally recognized across cultures. Harnessing these perceptions is a hallmark of Learned Mindfulness.
Negative emotions such as hostility, anger, fear, disgust, contempt, and disappointment are disruptors of stability. They act as repellants toward affectionate engagements. However, they also modulate positive emotions producing, for example, states of ambivalence or confusion. If identified and tempered, one’s negative emotions can be used constructively and intelligently helping to reconfigure feelings and stabilize mood.
Negative emotions, therefore, behave to disrupt the status quo and offer the potential to reconfigure more constructive personality reformation. When changed, negative emotions can thus add to both personal and interpersonal emotional integrity. Negative emotions often accompanied by “bad habits” are the spur to engage in mindfulness explorations. Bad habits and harm avoidance imbue daily living with a constant struggle mediated by options and effortful choice. This initial antagonism underscores the binary nature of all mental processes, the antagonism spurring creative advances. Negative emotions must exist with positive emotions. Their interactive dependency modulates all experience—both self-experience and experience with others. Negative emotions, left unchecked, have the potential to be acted out in self-destructive ways. The negativity of envy and hatred energizes aggression in destructive killing and murder.
Words and facial expressions communicate subjective feelings. The perception of a person’s nonconscious and often subtle emotional displays by an outside observer is derived from seeing or hearing the brief emotional signals organized into consciously felt “feelings.” These external manifestations of subjectively experienced feeling states are brain-based and culturally determined. They have both innate and universally shared genetic substrates shaped by culture and convention.
In common parlance, the terms “emotions” (i.e., brief nonconscious states), “feelings” (i.e., subjectively identified conscious states), and “affects” (i.e., visually perceptible facial expressions) often are used interchangeably.
Emotions and feelings are universal across cultures. This human experience in emotional processing denotes “emotion perception”—identifying emotions in oneself, others, voices, stories, music, and art. It is hard-wired and universally shared (Brosch, Pourtois, & Sander, 2010; Joseph & Newman, 2010). “Identifying” means recognizing and discovering the emotion as an emotional experience. Giving a name to emotion or labeling it occurs somewhere between emotion “perception” and emotional “understanding” as the “affect’ takes shape materially (Ninivaggi, 2017).
Affect, however, is defined as the visible, intentional, and public display (i.e., facial, verbal, and gestural) of emotional and feeling states. Affects are culturally determined in a limited manner and vary among people, ethnic, and cultural groups (i.e., “display rules”). Affect has a fluid quality and can change from moment to moment in the same individual depending on that person’s mental status (e.g., happy, pensive, depressed, and so forth). Display rules and social contexts correlate with “emotional understanding” and “emotional regulation,” both of which are culturally influenced. Established theories view emotional intelligence to comprise three domains: perception, understanding, and regulation (Mayer & Salovey, 1997).
Emotions exist at birth. Infants and children, however, do not cognitively understand and label their emotions as conscious feelings until later childhood. From birth, however, babies can sense the emotional communications of others and respond adaptively. This “nonconscious” foundation of emotion and affect persists throughout life. It is complemented by a more conscious focus (i.e., named “feelings” and thoughts about feelings) toward the end of childhood. One’s emotional stability and successful social interactions have their basis in healthy emotional development starting in infancy and refining itself. Emotional literacy grows with experience and reflects the refinement of emotional intelligence.
Conventional academic psychology has outlined several schemas about classifying emotions. No one scheme can capture the diversity and fluidity of human emotion although provisional tries such as the following abound. Primary emotions include happiness, sadness, anger, fear, surprise, and disgust. These are diffuse states of mind having similar meanings for all people across cultures. Secondary emotions are more complex composites of primary emotions becoming more defined as conscious feeling states. These develop between 18 and 24 months of age, and their meaning varies among people. They include guilt, shame, embarrassment, pride, and envy. These secondary emotions are self-conscious emotions because they entail an emerging sense of self-reflection and consideration of the self with others. For example, shame involves feelings of being “bad,” while guilt is the distress about having done something “bad.” The special denotations of “envy” as used by the author have been delineated in the book Envy Theory (2010). In that perspective, unconscious envy may be a decisive personality dynamic rather than merely an emotion or trait.
Mindfulness expands emotional awareness, and so broadens emotional intelligence becoming a pillar of literacy supporting resilience. Resilience is the ability to bounce back to healthy functioning under stress with an adaptive recovery after an unexpected challenge. Essential resilience tools build skills such as developing executive functions, coping strategies, enhanced emotional intelligence, and fostering supportive relationships. Well-recognized resilience factors include realistic optimism. Across development, intelligent emotional awareness enhances emotional literacy running through all character strengths.
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Logic: A History of its Central Concepts
Jean-Yves Béziau, in Handbook of the History of Logic, 2012
1 An Emblematic Concept of Modern Logic
1.1 The whole story
The compound word “truth-value”, sometimes written “truth value”, is a bit monstrous and ambiguous. It is the name of a central concept of modern logic, but has not yet invaded everyday language. An ordinary man will say: it is true that Paris is the capital of France, rather than: the truth-value of “Paris is the capital of France” is true. And a mathematician also will say: it is true that 2 + 3 = 5, rather than the truth-value of “2 + 3 = 5” is true. We don’t even find “truth-values” in postmodern or new age discussions side by side with “quantum leap”, “imaginary number”, “betacognition”. It seems that “truth-value” is exclusively used by logicians, philosophers of logic and analytic philosophers. In this paper we will examine the origin of this strange way of speaking and the concept related to it.
Logical philosophers generally don’t define the expression “truth-value”, they take its definition for granted, known to everybody who has attended a first course on propositional logic. However if we have a close look at a textbook of logic, it is difficult to find a precise definition of such a notion. Truth-values will appear in the so-called truth tables, as T and F, or 1 and 0. The expression “truth tables” also is generally not explained, but this makes sense as a picture and to put truth in a table may look amusing.
One may think that by drawing the following table representing the 16 connectives of classical bivalent propositional logic one has said everything that can be said about truth-values:
16 BINARY CONNECTIVES
0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 |
1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 1 |
1 | 1 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 1 |
But when doing that, we are just writing the first 16 natural numbers using the binary numeral system. Does the concept of truth-value reduce to that? One can argue that there are more than two truth-values, not everything is black and white. In fact more truth-values have been introduced, more that we may imagine. On the other hand people also have argued in favor of gaps and gluts: some propositions may have no truth-values and some other luckier ones may have more than one truth-value. The mechanism of bivalent truth-values can be generalized, this was done right at the beginning by people like Peirce, Post, Lukasiewicz and Bernays. Moreover the notion of truth-value does not reduce to propositional logic. The expression “truth-value semantics” is used as a name for an alternative semantics to first-order logic, but this is not just a question of name, truth-values are also present in the standard Tarskian semantics for first-order logic and also in Kripkean possible worlds semantics, etc. They are in fact everywhere …
For this reason to write the history of the concept of truth-value is a thrilling but arduous task, exciting but almost impossible. The notion of truth-value is pervading the whole subject of modern logic, it is a central concept at the heart of modern logic. It is transversal not only from the viewpoint of technical constructions (beyond dichotomies such as propositional / first-order, bivalent / many-valued, proof / model), but also from the viewpoint of the interdisciplinarity of logic with all the richness and flavor of its philosophical, linguistical, mathematical and computational aspects. To write the history of the concept of truth-value one has to traverse in depth and breadth the whole history of modern logic. It is a very interesting task in the sense that by so-doing one is able to have a global vision of modern logic and to really reflect about its development.
But to write a complete history of the concept of truth-value would take several decades and this would lead to a book of one thousand and one pages. So one needs to simplify, in an intelligent way if possible. One dubious simplification would be to make the history of truth tables. This is not the option we have chosen, neither are we presenting here a history of propositional logic or many-valued logic. These are complementary stories.
1.2 What are we talking about?
The simplest answer would be to say that we are talking first of all of the expression “truth-value”. But we are making the history of a concept, the history of a word is another story. However in the case of truth-value there is a strong connection between the word and the concept, a connection much stronger than, for example, between the word “energy” and the concept of energy. “Energy” is a word as old as Aristotle. The concept of energy of modern physics is quite different from the original Greek one, but the word is literally the same. The situation with truth-value is different, there is no corresponding word in the Aristotelian corpus. The word “truth-value” does not come from a remote Greek era but is the translation of the German word “Wahrheitswert”, a word promoted by Frege in the XIXth century.
Can our history of the concept of truth-value reduce to the history of the word “Wahrheitswert”? No, for at least two opposite reasons. Firstly, Frege did not create the word “Wahrheitswert”, it was used before him, in particular by Windelband in a meaning which is indirectly connected with the Fregean sense and logic (see [Gabriel, 1984]). Secondly, even if there is an intimate link between Frege’s “Wahrheitswert” and the logical concept of truth-value, the mature concept of truth-value is quite different from Frege’s original concept and also is connected with previous works of other modern logicians like Boole and Peirce not using the terminology “truth-value”, whether in English or German. The German word “Wahrheitswert” in its Fregean sense was translated in English as “truth-value” by Bertrand Russell in the Appendix A of The Principles of Mathematics (1903) presenting the work of Frege. This is one of the reasons we will use the hyphenated version and not the two-word expression “truth value”, also frequently used in logic textbooks. The other reason is to avoid any ambiguity with the moral sense of the word “value” that can be found at the same period for example in a paper by A.W.Moore entitled “Truth value” [Moore, 1908] or in a paper by another Russell (John) entitled “Truth as value and the value of truth” [Russell, 1911].
We are nevertheless lucky that there is a strong connection between the word “truth-value” and the design(at)ed concept. A new word has been used for a new concept: we will look neither for the concept, nor for the word, in the work of Aristotle or some remote Indian thinker, like Medhatithi Gautama. Let us note however that “truth-value” is a compound name. Its head, “truth”, is a central concept of philosophy. Its tail, “value”, pushing aside the moral ambiguity, is a mathematical concept. A central feature that differentiates modern logic from traditional logic is that it is mathematical. This radical difference, this conceptual jump, makes our task easier. To do the history of the concept of truth-value is much easier than to do the history of a philosophical concept such as truth, or of a mathematical concept such as the concept of function or the number 1. The history of 1 and truth can both be traced back to the beginning of history, but from the perspective of the history of modern logic, the story of truth(-value) before the mathematization of logic is prehistory, and we will not be concerned here with prehistory. Truth-value is the birth of the mathematical conception of truth, bearing mathematical value in its proper name.
On the other hand our history of the concept of truth-value can be considered as part of the history of the concept of function, since people like Boole and Frege, by using this concept in logic, have changed its meaning and were influential in its evolution. The concept of “propositional function”, not so much in use nowadays, central for the development of the concept of truth-value (another central concept, still in use, is “truth-functionality”), was a radical shift for the mathematical conceptualization of the notion of function. The history of 1 has also been transfigured by modern logicians, either considering it as a Boolean truth-value such that 1 + 1 = 1, changing a fundamental law of arithmetics, or as a logical object from Frege’s logicist perspective. We can also say that our present contribution is part of the history of the philosophical concept of truth: putting truth in tables, structures and possible worlds, multiplying the truth-values up to the infinite, considering that a proposition can both be true and false, certainly have changed the philosophical face of truth.
1.3 The main character of the story: MTV
For our story the central character will be the mathematical conception of truth-value. We will give to him the nickname MTV. But who is MTV? MTV is a folkloric concept that can hardly be found in a logic textbook. Like for many mathematical concepts, this is due in part because it has various faces. At the level of a general definition it is pure abstract nonsense, trivial for a mathematician, beyond understanding for a philosopher whether analytic or synthetic. Let us have a look at MTV. It is a double structure: on the one hand we have an absolutely free algebra, on the other hand, facing it, an algebra of a similar type, finite or not, and between them, the central notion establishing relations between mathematical structures, the notion of morphism. The elements of the free algebra are called propositions and its functions connectives, the elements of the facing structure are called truth—values and its functions truth—functions, and finally the morphisms between the two structures valuations.
This terminology is quite standard but to avoid any ambiguity we will give more formal names for the three kinds of functions we have here: connectives will be called P—functions, truth-functions T—functions and valuations V—functions. This will allow us to say without ambiguity for example that, John and James being two characters of our story, John uses the expression truth—functions to speak about V-functions contrary to James using the expression truth—functions to speak about T-functions. To harmonize the whole setting we will call P—structure the free algebra of propositions and T—structure the algebra of truth-values. We have therefore the following picture of MTV and terminology to describe it:
MTV in one shot
P-structure | → | T-structure |
propositions | V-functions | truth-values |
P-functions | → | T-functions |
According to this picture truth-values are just a part of MTV. Why not then saying that MTV, the mathematical concept of truth-value, is just the T-structure? This would be indeed more trivial that triviality because the T-structure is any abstract algebra. It is not because we give the name “truth-values” to its elements and the name “truth-functions” to its functions that we have properly defined the concept of truth-value. A truth-value is something that turns true or not a proposition, so it makes sense only interacting with the P-structure, via the V-functions. To generate truth, the elements of the T-structure are divided in two classes: designated and non—designated values. Given a proposition p, if v(p) is designated, p is said to be true (according to the morphism / valuation v) and if for all v, v(p) is designated, p is said to be logically true. This general presentation of truth-values that we call MTV can also be called truth-functional semantics (for a detailed account of truth-functionality see [Marcos, 2009]). The bivalent semantics of classical propositional logic is the particular case where the T-structure is the Boolean algebra on {0, 1}, 1 being the unique designated value and 0 the unique non-designated value.
A pivotal figure for MTV is the Polish logician Roman Suszko (1919-1979). Pivotal because Suszko presented MTV, discussed it, criticized it and suggested alternatives to it. Roman Suszko is one of the most prominent figures of postwar logic in Poland. Jointly with Jerzy Loś, he proved some basic theorems of model theory in the 1950s, he is the creator of abstract logic, that he developed with Bloom and Brown, and also the creator of non-Fregean logic (see [Omyla and Zygmunt, 1984], [Jansana, 2012]). But his main work is related to truth-values, running from one of his first papers entitled “Formal theory of logical values” published in volume 6 of Studia Logica (1957) to his last paper entitled “The Fregean axiom and Polish mathematical logic in the 1920s” published twenty years later in volume 36 of Studia Logica (1977). His work is still not very well-known outside of Poland, in part due to the isolation of Poland during the communist period. His 1957 paper has been published in Polish (“Formalna teoria wartości logicznych. I”) and has not yet been translated in English, the same with Loś monograph on logical matrices [Loś, 1949].
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Named Entity Recognition in Biomedicine
Michael Krauthammer, Goran Nenadic, in Journal of Biomedical Informatics, 2004
PROPER influenced many other systems. Narayanaswamy and colleagues [22] similarly consider other types of biomedical names (in particular chemical and source terms). Typical chemical roots and suffixes are used to single out chemicals, while different classes of “feature” terms are used to perform more sophisticated classification. In addition, contextual environments are used for further classification (e.g., the word expression in a context such as expression of CD40 indicates that CD40 is a protein/gene). Franzen and colleagues [23] developed Yapex (Yet Another Protein Extractor)10 by adding data sources (e.g., “core” terms compiled from Swiss-Prot), additional heuristic lexical filters and results of syntactic parsing (in order to enhance the detection of name boundaries). They reported better performance compared to PROPER (for strict matching, Yapex’s F-score was 67.1% compared to PROPER’s 40.7%, while the F-scores were similar in case of sloppy matching). In order to further improve precision, Hou and Chen [24] considered additional filtering of candidates suggested by Yapex using contextual information based on most relevant collocations that appeared with protein names in a training corpus.
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A survey on tree matching and XML retrieval
Mohammed Amin Tahraoui, … Lei Ning, in Computer Science Review, 2013
2.3.3 XQuery Full-text
XQuery Full-text [16] is a proposition of the W3C to extend the XQuery language to full-text search. Full-Text-oriented functionalities of XQuery Full-text are for example token and phrase search, token ordering or token proximity.
One of the most important feature of the language is that it allows to rank results by relevance, and that the user can define its own relevance. This is also possible to use tools such as stemming, thesauri, stop-words or regular expressions [36].
As example, let us consider the following Xquery full-text query, taken from [37]:
This query finds books which discuss “conducting usability tests”. Those mentioning “measuring success” are returned first. The following features are used: stemming, unordered distance (no more than 10 words between “conduct” and “usability” and between “usability” and “tests” are for example required), and weight declaration on optional words to impact the scoring and sorting.
As seen in this section, there are a lot of possible languages to search in XML documents collection. As stated in [5], the complexity and expressiveness of these languages increase from tag-based to clause-based queries. All languages have their own properties and potential uses. They all need a learning phase to be able to use them, but with different degree of ease. For example, the information retrieval-oriented NEXI language is introduced as “the simplest query language that could possibly work” [13], whereas the database-oriented XQuery Full-text query language propose a very complete but hard to learn syntax for end-user.
To overcome this problem of complexity for end users, graphical query languages were proposed [38,39], but they are far from being extensively used.
Whatever the query language used, content and structure queries, in the same manner than XML documents, can be represented as labeled trees. The retrieval process can thus be summarized to a tree matching process. The following section describes state-of-the-art algorithms for exact and approximate tree matching.
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Historical Development of Word Meaning – Semantic Change
Historical Development of Word Meaning — Semantic Change
Introduction
this paper, I want to give an overview on what semantic change is all about and how it can be shown in a number of examples in the English language: I subdivided the paper into five parts: After this introduction, information on the background on semantic change and the basis for semantic change will be given. As a next point, the mechanisms and causes for semantic change will be presented. Finally, results of semantic change and shifts in semantic fields will be presented. At the end of this paper I will sum up what I experienced during the research concerning semantic change.
1. Background on Semantic Change
his book Principles of Historical Linguistics, Hans Henrich Hock says that when one thinks of the number of meanings which can be conveyed through language — in this paper I will concentrate on the English language — one eventually comes to the conclusion that there is an infinite number. Yet the human brain can only process and understand a limited amount of linguistic symbols. That is why the infinite number of possible meanings is reduced already by the problem of encoding so much information (cf. Hock 1991: 280). In addition to that, the problem of the infinity of word meaning is remedied by a number of other phenomena:
There is a finite set of conventional linguistic symbols present which is known as the lexical items.
There is a finite set of rules (syntax) which makes it possible that symbols can be combined into a larger structure. The syntax assures that the meanings of larger structures not simply form a composite of the meanings of lexical items they are composed of.
The lexical items themselves are in a way «constructed» out of smaller sets of building blocks (these blocks are called phonemes and morphemes). «[The phonemes and morphemes are again] governed by a finite set of rules» (Hock 1991: 280). These rules are known as phonology and morphology.a consequence, the meaning of a word can be conveyed in an economical way by using a limited set of speech sounds. These speech sounds range between approximately 25 and 125. Here, the lexicon and the rules of syntax come into play: These two make it possible that infinity of possible sentences can be produced. So it is the economy and the conventional nature of the building blocks and their rules for combination that make it possible for humans to communicate. Yet at this point a problem arises: The economy and the conventional nature of the English language that have been praised before, are also responsible for the fact that the number of meanings that one wants to convey without having an ambiguous expression is indeed limited., a single phonetic expression (which I will analyze in detail in the following example) can actually have a number of different meanings. They can either be quite close to each other concerning their meaning or they can have completely unrelated meanings. These different shades of meaning or the completely unrelated meanings depend on the linguistic, the social and on the cultural context. The following example is simply meant to be a lead-in to the great variety of phenomena the historical development of word meaning has caused. It illustrates in how far one single sentence can be understood in different ways. Starting from here, one will understand how much word meaning has developed.
History should be studied because it is essential to individuals and to society, and because it harbors beauty. There are many ways to discuss the real functions of the subject-as there are many different historical talents and many different paths to historical meaning. All definitions of history’s utility, however, rely on two fundamental facts.
History Helps Us Understand People and Societiesthe first place, history offers a storehouse of information about how people and societies behave. Understanding the operations of people and societies is difficult, though a number of disciplines make the attempt. An exclusive reliance on current data would needlessly handicap our efforts. How can we evaluate war if the nation is at peace-unless we use historical materials? How can we understand genius, the influence of technological innovation, or the role that beliefs play in shaping family life, if we don’t use what we know about experiences in the past? Some social scientists attempt to formulate laws or theories about human behavior. But even these recourses depend on historical information, except for in limited, often artificial cases in which experiments can be devised to determine how people act. Major aspects of a society’s operation, like mass elections, missionary activities, or military alliances, cannot be set up as precise experiments. Consequently, history must serve, however imperfectly, as our laboratory, and data from the past must serve as our most vital evidence in the unavoidable quest to figure out why our complex species behaves as it does in societal settings. This, fundamentally, is why we cannot stay away from history: it offers the only extensive evidential base for the contemplation and analysis of how societies function, and people need to have some sense of how societies function simply to run their own lives.
History Helps Us Understand Change and How the Society We Live in Came to Besecond reason history is inescapable as a subject of serious study follows closely on the first. The past causes the present, and so the future. Any time we try to know why something happened-whether a shift in political party dominance in the American Congress, a major change in the teenage suicide rate, or a war in the Balkans or the Middle East-we have to look for factors that took shape earlier. Sometimes fairly recent history will suffice to explain a major development, but often we need to look further back to identify the causes of change. Only through studying history can we grasp how things change; only through history can we begin to comprehend the factors that cause change; and only through history can we understand what elements of an institution or a society persist despite change.importance of history in explaining and understanding change in human behavior is no mere abstraction. Take an important human phenomenon such as alcoholism. Through biological experiments scientists have identified specific genes that seem to cause a proclivity toward alcohol addiction in some individuals. This is a notable advance. But alcoholism, as a social reality, has a history: rates of alcoholism have risen and fallen, and they have varied from one group to the next. Attitudes and policies about alcoholism have also changed and varied. History is indispensable to understanding why such changes occur. And in many ways historical analysis is a more challenging kind of exploration than genetic experimentation. Historians have in fact greatly contributed in recent decades to our understanding of trends (or patterns of change) in alcoholism and to our grasp of the dimensions of addiction as an evolving social problem.of the leading concerns of contemporary American politics is low voter turnout, even for major elections. A historical analysis of changes in voter turnout can help us begin to understand the problem we face today. What were turnouts in the past? When did the decline set in? Once we determine when the trend began, we can try to identify which of the factors present at the time combined to set the trend in motion. Do the same factors sustain the trend still, or are there new ingredients that have contributed to it in more recent decades? A purely contemporary analysis may shed some light on the problem, but a historical assessment is clearly fundamental-and essential for anyone concerned about American political health today., then, provides the only extensive materials available to study the human condition. It also focuses attention on the complex processes of social change, including the factors that are causing change around us today. Here, at base, are the two related reasons many people become enthralled with the examination of the past and why our society requires and encourages the study of history as a major subject in the schools.Importance of History in Our Own Livestwo fundamental reasons for studying history underlie more specific and quite diverse uses of history in our own lives. History well told is beautiful. Many of the historians who most appeal to the general reading public know the importance of dramatic and skillful writing-as well as of accuracy. Biography and military history appeal in part because of the tales they contain. History as art and entertainment serves a real purpose, on aesthetic grounds but also on the level of human understanding. Stories well done are stories that reveal how people and societies have actually functioned, and they prompt thoughts about the human experience in other times and places. The same aesthetic and humanistic goals inspire people to immerse themselves in efforts to reconstruct quite remote pasts, far removed from immediate, present-day utility. Exploring what historians sometimes call the «pastness of the past» — the ways people in distant ages constructed their lives-involves a sense of beauty and excitement, and ultimately another perspective on human life and society.
History Contributes to Moral Understandingalso provides a terrain for moral contemplation. Studying the stories of individuals and situations in the past allows a student of history to test his or her own moral sense, to hone it against some of the real complexities individuals have faced in difficult settings. People who have weathered adversity not just in some work of fiction, but in real, historical circumstances can provide inspiration. «History teaching by example» is one phrase that describes this use of a study of the past-a study not only of certifiable heroes, the great men and women of history who successfully worked through moral dilemmas, but also of more ordinary people who provide lessons in courage, diligence, or constructive protest.Provides Identityalso helps provide identity, and this is unquestionably one of the reasons all modern nations encourage its teaching in some form. Historical data include evidence about how families, groups, institutions and whole countries were formed and about how they have evolved while retaining cohesion. For many Americans, studying the history of one’s own family is the most obvious use of history, for it provides facts about genealogy and (at a slightly more complex level) a basis for understanding how the family has interacted with larger historical change. Family identity is established and confirmed. Many institutions, businesses, communities, and social units, such as ethnic groups in the United States, use history for similar identity purposes. Merely defining the group in the present pales against the possibility of forming an identity based on a rich past. And of course nations use identity history as well-and sometimes abuse it. Histories that tell the national story, emphasizing distinctive features of the national experience, are meant to drive home an understanding of national values and a commitment to national loyalty.
Studying History Is Essential for Good Citizenshipstudy of history is essential for good citizenship. This is the most common justification for the place of history in school curricula. Sometimes advocates of citizenship history hope merely to promote national identity and loyalty through a history spiced by vivid stories and lessons in individual success and morality. But the importance of history for citizenship goes beyond this narrow goal and can even challenge it at some points.that lays the foundation for genuine citizenship returns, in one sense, to the essential uses of the study of the past. History provides data about the emergence of national institutions, problems, and values-it’s the only significant storehouse of such data available. It offers evidence also about how nations have interacted with other societies, providing international and comparative perspectives essential for responsible citizenship. Further, studying history helps us understand how recent, current, and prospective changes that affect the lives of citizens are emerging or may emerge and what causes are involved. More important, studying history encourages habits of mind that are vital for responsible public behavior, whether as a national or community leader, an informed voter, a petitioner, or a simple observer.
What Skills Does a Student of History Develop?does a well-trained student of history, schooled to work on past materials and on case studies in social change, learn how to do? The list is manageable, but it contains several overlapping categories.Ability to Assess Evidence. The study of history builds experience in dealing with and assessing various kinds of evidence-the sorts of evidence historians use in shaping the most accurate pictures of the past that they can. Learning how to interpret the statements of past political leaders-one kind of evidence-helps form the capacity to distinguish between the objective and the self-serving among statements made by present-day political leaders. Learning how to combine different kinds of evidence-public statements, private records, numerical data, visual materials-develops the ability to make coherent arguments based on a variety of data. This skill can also be applied to information encountered in everyday life.Ability to Assess Conflicting Interpretations. Learning history means gaining some skill in sorting through diverse, often conflicting interpretations. Understanding how societies work-the central goal of historical study-is inherently imprecise, and the same certainly holds true for understanding what is going on in the present day. Learning how to identify and evaluate conflicting interpretations is an essential citizenship skill for which history, as an often-contested laboratory of human experience, provides training. This is one area in which the full benefits of historical study sometimes clash with the narrower uses of the past to construct identity. Experience in examining past situations provides a constructively critical sense that can be applied to partisan claims about the glories of national or group identity. The study of history in no sense undermines loyalty or commitment, but it does teach the need for assessing arguments, and it provides opportunities to engage in debate and achieve perspective.in Assessing Past Examples of Change. Experience in assessing past examples of change is vital to understanding change in society today-it’s an essential skill in what we are regularly told is our «ever-changing world.» Analysis of change means developing some capacity for determining the magnitude and significance of change, for some changes are more fundamental than others. Comparing particular changes to relevant examples from the past helps students of history develop this capacity. The ability to identify the continuities that always accompany even the most dramatic changes also comes from studying history, as does the skill to determine probable causes of change. Learning history helps one figure out, for example, if one main factor-such as a technological innovation or some deliberate new policy-accounts for a change or whether, as is more commonly the case, a number of factors combine to generate the actual change that occurs.study, in sum, is crucial to the promotion of that elusive creature, the well-informed citizen. It provides basic factual information about the background of our political institutions and about the values and problems that affect our social well-being. It also contributes to our capacity to use evidence, assess interpretations, and analyze change and continuities. No one can ever quite deal with the present as the historian deals with the past-we lack the perspective for this feat; but we can move in this direction by applying historical habits of mind, and we will function as better citizens in the process.Is Useful in the World of Workis useful for work. Its study helps create good businesspeople, professionals, and political leaders. The number of explicit professional jobs for historians is considerable, but most people who study history do not become professional historians. Professional historians teach at various levels, work in museums and media centers, do historical research for businesses or public agencies, or participate in the growing number of historical consultancies. These categories are important-indeed vital-to keep the basic enterprise of history going, but most people who study history use their training for broader professional purposes. Students of history find their experience directly relevant to jobs in a variety of careers as well as to further study in fields like law and public administration. Employers often deliberately seek students with the kinds of capacities historical study promotes. The reasons are not hard to identify: students of history acquire, by studying different phases of the past and different societies in the past, a broad perspective that gives them the range and flexibility required in many work situations. They develop research skills, the ability to find and evaluate sources of information, and the means to identify and evaluate diverse interpretations. Work in history also improves basic writing and speaking skills and is directly relevant to many of the analytical requirements in the public and private sectors, where the capacity to identify, assess, and explain trends is essential. Historical study is unquestionably an asset for a variety of work and professional situations, even though it does not, for most students, lead as directly to a particular job slot, as do some technical fields. But history particularly prepares students for the long haul in their careers, its qualities helping adaptation and advancement beyond entry-level employment. There is no denying that in our society many people who are drawn to historical study worry about relevance. In our changing economy, there is concern about job futures in most fields. Historical training is not, however, an indulgence; it applies directly to many careers and can clearly help us in our working lives.Kind of History Should We Study?question of why we should study history entails several subsidiary issues about what kind of history should be studied. Historians and the general public alike can generate a lot of heat about what specific history courses should appear in what part of the curriculum. Many of the benefits of history derive from various kinds of history, whether local or national or focused on one culture or the world. Gripping instances of history as storytelling, as moral example, and as analysis come from all sorts of settings. The most intense debates about what history should cover occur in relation to identity history and the attempt to argue that knowledge of certain historical facts marks one as an educated person. Some people feel that in order to become good citizens students must learn to recite the preamble of the American constitution or be able to identify Thomas Edison-though many historians would dissent from an unduly long list of factual obligations. Correspondingly, some feminists, eager to use history as part of their struggle, want to make sure that students know the names of key past leaders such as Susan B. Anthony. The range of possible survey and memorization chores is considerable-one reason that history texts are often quite long.is a fundamental tension in teaching and learning history between covering facts and developing historical habits of mind. Because history provides an immediate background to our own life and age, it is highly desirable to learn about forces that arose in the past and continue to affect the modern world. This type of knowledge requires some attention to comprehending the development of national institutions and trends. It also demands some historical understanding of key forces in the wider world. The ongoing tension between Christianity and Islam, for instance, requires some knowledge of patterns that took shape over 12 centuries ago. Indeed, the pressing need to learn about issues of importance throughout the world is the basic reason that world history has been gaining ground in American curriculums. Historical habits of mind are enriched when we learn to compare different patterns of historical development, which means some study of other national traditions and civilizations.key to developing historical habits of mind, however, is having repeated experience in historical inquiry. Such experience should involve a variety of materials and a diversity of analytical problems. Facts are essential in this process, for historical analysis depends on data, but it does not matter whether these facts come from local, national, or world history-although it’s most useful to study a range of settings. What matters is learning how to assess different magnitudes of historical change, different examples of conflicting interpretations, and multiple kinds of evidence. Developing the ability to repeat fundamental thinking habits through increasingly complex exercises is essential. Historical processes and institutions that are deemed especially important to specific curriculums can, of course, be used to teach historical inquiry. Appropriate balance is the obvious goal, with an insistence on factual knowledge not allowed to overshadow the need to develop historical habits of mind.to certain essential historical episodes and experience in historical inquiry are crucial to any program of historical study, but they require supplement. No program can be fully functional if it does not allow for whimsy and individual taste. Pursuing particular stories or types of problems, simply because they tickle the fancy, contributes to a rounded intellectual life. Similarly, no program in history is complete unless it provides some understanding of the ongoing role of historical inquiry in expanding our knowledge of the past and, with it, of human and social behavior. The past two decades have seen a genuine explosion of historical information and analysis, as additional facets of human behavior have been subjected to research and interpretation. And there is every sign that historians are continuing to expand our understanding of the past. It’s clear that the discipline of history is a source of innovation and not merely a framework for repeated renderings of established data and familiar stories.study history? The answer is because we virtually must, to gain access to the laboratory of human experience. When we study it reasonably well, and so acquire some usable habits of mind, as well as some basic data about the forces that affect our own lives, we emerge with relevant skills and an enhanced capacity for informed citizenship, critical thinking, and simple awareness. The uses of history are varied. Studying history can help us develop some literally «salable» skills, but its study must not be pinned down to the narrowest utilitarianism. Some history-that confined to personal recollections about changes and continuities in the immediate environment-is essential to function beyond childhood. Some history depends on personal taste, where one finds beauty, the joy of discovery, or intellectual challenge. Between the inescapable minimum and the pleasure of deep commitment comes the history that, through cumulative skill in interpreting the unfolding human record, provides a real grasp of how the world works.say that Bilbo’s breath was taken away is no description at all. There are no words left to express his staggerment, since Men changed the language that they learned of elves in the days when all the world was wonderful. Bilbo had heard tell and sing of dragon-hoards before, but the splendour, the lust, the glory of such treasure had never yet come home to him..R.R. Tolkien, «The Hobbit»the history of semantic change had to be summed up as one process, it would be that of specialization. The Anglo Saxons 1500 years ago made do with perhaps 30,000 words in their complete vocabulary, while Modern English has anywhere from 500,000 to a million words, depending on whether or not scientific vocabularies are included.
«In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was God, and the Word was with God.» It could be argued that originally there was one word, from which all others have sprung. The origins of language will never be known, but the first language probably had a vocabulary of a few hundred words, providing a rich enough vocabulary for a primitive people who had few materials and fewer abstract concepts. Many of the words of the first languages had very broad senses of meaning.instance, the word inspire is from the Latin inspirare, which literally means «to breathe into». Its archaic meaning is «to breathe life into», with newer meanings like «to be the cause of», «to elicit», «to move to action», «to exalt» and «to guide by divine influence». Now if a minister were to speak of Adam as dust inspired, he might mean by that not just that the dust is having life breathed into it (the original etymological meaning), but also that the dust is being exalted and given form, that it is being moved to action, and that it is being divinely guided (these are the metaphorical or extended meanings). In other words, this minister might not mean just one of the definitions of inspired but all of them simultaneously.extended meanings are branches that have split off from the trunk, and our hypothetical minister has simply traced them back to the root.you seek to create a language from an earlier time, you should probably develop a small vocabulary, with it words having much more overlapping of meaning than the vocabularies of modern languages. Imagine a word spiratholmos — an ancient ancestor to Latin inspirare — meaning «wind, breath, voice, spirit.» A speaker who used the word spiratholmos would regard the wind in the trees as the breath of the earth, the voice of God, the spirit animating each of us.is different way of looking at words, and prompted Tolkien to write, «There are no words left to express his staggerment, since Men changed the language that they learned of elves in the days when all the world was wonderful.» What Tolkien’s elves might have expressed in one word, resonant with meaning, Tolkien’s diminutive man cannot express at all.change can be viewed dispassionately as a natural process, but it can also be invested with a spiritual significance, as Tolkien and Suffield have done. A model language is an art form and its crafting can even convey this theme of spiritual isolation. As Ronald Suffield wrote, «no word is still the word, but, a loafward has become lord.»are the goddy tawdry maudlin for they shall christgeewhiz bow down before him: bedead old men, priest and prester, babeling a pitterpatternoster: no word is still the word, but, a loafward has become lord.Suffield, «The Tenth Beatitude»subtle poem by the English philologist Ronald Suffield is actually written at two levels. For Suffield intends that the reader hold in mind not just the current meanings of these words but the original meanings as well. For the meaning of a word changes over time. The example everyone knows is gay, which originally meant «merry», but because some people are a little too merry came to mean «wanton», and because some people are a little too wanton came to mean «homosexual», which is the sense almost exclusively used now.model language that you develop will have words that are descended from words with quite different meanings. Some of the words used in Ronald Suffield’s poem, The Tenth Beatitude, will be used to demonstrate how words change through time.is the process by which a word’s meaning worsens or degenerates, coming to represent something less favorable than it originally did. Most of the words in Suffield’s poem have undergone pejoration.instance, the word silly begins Suffield’s poem and meant in Old English times «blessed», which is why Suffield calls his poem a beatitude (Christ’s beatitudes begin with «blessed are the…»). How did a word meaning «blessed» come to mean «silly»? Well, since people who are blessed are often innocent and guileless, the word gradually came to mean «innocent». And some of those who are innocent might be innocent because they haven’t the brains to be anything else. And some of those who are innocent might be innocent because they knowingly reject opportunities for temptation. In either case, since the more worldly-wise would take advantage of their opportunities, the innocents must therefore be foolish, which of course is the current primary meaning of the word silly.word goddy in the poem is a metaplasmus (artful misspelling) of gaudy. The word gaudy was derived from the Latin word gaudium, «joy», which was applied to praying (as a type of rejoicing). Because the most common prayers in Middle English times were the prayers of the rosary, Middle English gaude came to be associated with the rosary and came to mean «an ornamental rosary bead». Unfortunately, not all who prayed with the rosary were genuinely pious; many were like the Pharisees of old and just wanted to be seen praying — religion for them was decorative (ornamental) rather than functional. As a result, modern English gaudy gradually acquired its current meaning of tasteless or ostentatious ornamentation.related word to gaudy, which is not explicitly referenced in Suffield’s poem but is implied, is bead (in the poem, bedead is probably an anagrammatic play on beaded). In Middle English times, bead (then spelled ‘bede’) referred only to a rosary bead. Middle English bede was itself descended from Old English gebed, prayer. The phrase telling one’s beads was literally «saying one’s prayers», with each rosary bead used to keep count of the number of prayers said. In the days when all English-speaking Christians were Catholics, using the rosary was such a common practice that it was only natural for the word for prayer to become the word for the bead used to say a prayer.this way, Suffield is arguing, deep spiritual communication has been trivialized into a trinket. Modern English bead has come so far from its original center that its sphere of meaning no longer includes prayer — but does include other small round objects, such as beads of sweat.word rosary, incidentally, originally was Latin for «a rose garden», which was applied as a metaphorical description of the prayer cycle, which was «a rose garden of prayers», with the rose garden symbolizing both the Garden of Eden (or paradise, which originally meant, well we could go on forever…) and the rose of the Virgin Mary.word that has shown similar semantic degeneration to gaudy is tawdry. In the eighth century, AEthelthy/rth, Queen of Northumbria, abdicated her office and renounced the pleasures of the flesh, having her marriage to the King of Northumbria annulled to become abbess of a monastery on the Isle of Ely. This act of sacrifice and her subsequent holiness prompted others to revere her as a saint. Legend has it that she died of a disease of the throat, a disease that she regarded as judgment upon the vanity of her youth, when she loved to wear beautiful necklaces in court. Eventually, AEthelthy/rth was beatified, and — as by this time phonetic change had simplified her name to Audrey — she was known as St. Audrey. An annual fair was held in her memory each October 17th, and at the fair were sold cheap souvenirs, including a neck lace called St. Audrey’s lace. In England, the initial [s] of saints’ names is often elided (for instance, the town of St. Albans in Hertfordshire is locally pronounced as [talbans] by some). As a result of this process, by the 1800s, the necklaces were called tawdry laces. It wasn’t long before tawdry was applied to the other cheap souvenirs sold at the annual fair, with the result that tawdry became a general adjective meaning «gaudy and cheap in appearance».word tawdry is not the only eponymous word to degenerate: the last word in Suffield’s first stanza, maudlin, is short for Magdalene. Mary Magdalene was the reformed prostitute who wept at Christ’s tomb that first Easter morning; this weeping has been memorialized in innumerable medieval paintings and stain-glass windows. As a result, her name came to be used to describe anyone who was weeping, and from there the meaning radiated out to «excessively sentimental.» Magdalene came to be pronounced maudlin through gradual phonetic change; in fact, Magdalen College at Oxford University is locally known as Maudlin. Silly are the goddy tawdry maudlin.on to the next line of Suffield’s poem (for they shall christgeewhiz bow down before him), we find another religious figure, of greater stature than Mary Magdalene or St. Audrey, who has had his name spawn many new words. Of course, this is Jesus Christ, whose name has become an oath. Because swearing is considered inappropriate in polite society, people slightly changed the sound of the invective. Damn it! became darn it!, shit! became shoot!, Jesus! became gee, gee whiz and geez and Jesus Christ! became Jiminy Crickets, among others. These euphemistic changes are called minced oaths.final word in Suffield’s poem to undergo pejoration is paternoster, which is descended from the Latin pater noster, which represents «Our Father», the first words of the Lord’s Prayer. As a result of this relationship, the words came to be known as another name for the Lord’s Prayer and came to mean one of the large beads on a rosary on which the Paternoster was recited (those beads again!). As its meaning radiated outward from «large bead», it even came to mean «a weighted fishing line with hooks connected by bead-like swivels». The word paternoster also came to mean any word-formula spoken as a prayer or magic spell. Since the Paternoster was in Latin, and in Medieval times Latin was no longer the native language of any of the reciters, the prayer was often recited quickly and with little regard for the sense of the words. Because of this, paternoster came to mean meaningless chatter, words empty of meaning — this sense of the word gave rise to the form patter. (The word pitter-patter, though used by Suffield in his poem, is actually etymologically unrelated to the word patter with this meaning.)has the sense of meaningless words, and sharp words can become rounded and dull. But although Suffield laments that no word is still the Word [of God], some words do assume a dignity they had not before possessed.is the process by which a word’s meaning improves or becomes elevated, coming to represent something more favorable than it originally referred to.words that have undergone amelioration are priest and prester. Both words (along with presbyter) are descended from the Greek word presbuteros, «older man, elder», a comparative form of the word presbus, «old man». Because churches of most religions are headed by elders and not youth, and because age is often equated with wisdom, the Greek word gradually acquired the meaning of «church leader, priest». The different forms represent borrowings made at different times, with priest being the oldest English form, followed by prester, followed by the learned borrowing of presbyter.
In what for Suffield is the greatest example of amelioration, the early Old English word hláfweard, which if translated using its descendant words would be rendered loafward, meant «the keeper of the bread» and was applied to the head of a household. Although «keeper of the bread» might bear witness to the importance of that most basic of foodstuffs to early Anglo-Saxons, alternatively one might argue that it had no more literal sense than bread — does in the modern word breadwinner. The word hláfweard has been shortened over time, first to hláford and then to lord. Over time, the word has been used of not just any head of household but of princes and nobility; this sense was extended to include the Prince of Light, God. For Suffield, this extension of lord makes a fitting appellation for Christ, given that Christ was the keeper of the bread of communion. The word lord, which ends the poem, stands in start contrast to the demeaning phrase christgeewhiz used earlier in the poem as an example of pejoration. By ending the poem with the word lord, Suffield offers a hope for redemption for all words.the poet Suffield believes that man has taken the meaning out of God’s words, reducing pater noster to patter and God’s son’s name to a curse. Yet if he is extreme in his view of pejoration as an example of man’s trivialization of God and rejection of divine meaning, the process of semantic change is almost universally condemned by teachers, scholars and other concerned language speakers. In fact, semantic drift is as natural as continental drift and almost as inexorable. The meanings of words change, sometimes for the worse, but sometimes providing useful distinctions. Some words, like lord, are even inspired.of semantic changethe above discussion shows, many people view semantic change with strong emotions. Some, like Suffield, may even perceive it as an almost diabolical force. The discussion of meaning change is often emotionally charged, with the meanings perceived as «improving» (amelioration) or «worsening» (pejoration) over time. This next section will attempt to provide a more clinical overview of how words change meanings.this: flip through the dictionary and look at random for a word with four or more meanings, preferably a word you think you know. Chances are you will find that it has an unlikely hodge-podge of meanings, at least one of which will surprise you. Here’s what I found when I tried this myself: daughter has these senses, among others:’s female child.female descendant.woman thought of as if in a parent/child relationship: a daughter of Christ.personified as a female descendant: the Singer sewing machine is the daughter of the loom.. The immediate product of the radioactive decay of an element.last sense makes me want to write a short story, The Daughter of Fat Man, in which I could use the word daughter in at least three of its senses. How does a word come to have such broad, often very different, meanings?the simplest level, words do undergo only two types of meaning change, not amelioration and pejoration, but generalization (a word’s meaning widens to include new concepts), and specialization (a word’s meaning contracts to focus on fewer concepts).taxonomy of semantic changeknown as extension, generalization is the use of a word in a broader realm of meaning than it originally possessed, often referring to all items in a class, rather than one specific item. For instance, place derives from Latin platea, «broad street», but its meaning grew broader than the street, to include «a particular city», «a business office», «an area dedicated to a specific purpose» before broadening even wider to mean «area». In the process, the word place displaced (!) the Old English word stow and became used instead of the Old English word stede (which survives instead, steadfast, steady and — of course — instead).is a natural process, especially in situations of «language on a shoestring», where the speaker has a limited vocabulary at her disposal, either because she is young and just acquiring language or because she is not fluent in a second language. A first-year Spanish student on her first vacation in Spain might find herself using the word coche, «car», for cars, trucks, jeeps, buses, and so on. When my son Alexander was two, he used the word oinju (from orange juice) to refer to any type of juice, including grape juice and apple juice; wawa (from water) referred to water and hoses, among other things.examples of general English words that have undergone generalization include:Old Meaning«men’s wide breeches extending from waist to ankle»«broad street»opposite of generalization, specialization is the narrowing of a word to refer to what previously would have been but one example of what it referred to. For instance, the word meat originally referred to «any type of food», but came to mean «the flesh of animals as opposed to the flesh of fish». The original sense of meat survives in terms like mincemeat, «chopped apples and spices used as a pie filling»; sweetmeat, «candy»; and nutmeat, «the edible portion of a nut». When developing your model language, it is meet to leave compounds untouched, even if one of their morphemes has undergone specialization (or any other meaning change).an example from another language, the Japanese word koto originally referred to «any type of stringed instrument» but came to be used to refer only a specific instrument with 13 strings, which was played horizontally and was popular in the Edo Period.examples of specialization, from the development of English, include:Old Meaning«emotion»«animal»«countryside»«a young person»«to die»taxonomy of semantic changeother semantic change can be discussed in either terms of generalization or specialization. The following diagram shows different subtypes of meaning change., or extensionextensionor narrowingspecializationreversalshift in meaning results from the subsequent action of generalization and specialization over time: a word that has extended into a new area then undergoes narrowing to exclude its original meaning. In the unlikely event that all the senses of place except for «a business office» faded away, then place would be said to have undergone a shift.is a figure of speech where one word is substituted for a related word; the relationship might be that of cause and effect, container and contained, part and whole. For instance, Shakespeare’s comment «Is it not strange that sheep’s guts should hale souls out of men’s bodies?» (from Much Ado About Nothing) uses «sheep’s guts» to refer to the music produced by harpstrings. Had guts come to mean «music», then the meaning would have shifted due to metonymy.
The Greek word dóma originally meant «roof». In the same way English speakers will metonymically use roof to mean «house» (as in «Now we have a roof over our heads»), the Greeks frequently used dóma to refer to «house», so that that is now the standard meaning of the word. A Russian word will provide a similar example: vinograd, «vineyard», was so frequently used to refer to «grapes», as in «Let’s have a taste of the vineyard» that it has come to mean «grapes».extensionMurray Hopper, the late Admiral and computer pioneer, told a story of an early computer that kept calculating incorrectly. When technicians opened up its case to examine the wiring, which physically represented the machine’s logic, a huge dead moth was found, shorting out one of the circuits and causing the faulty logic. That moth was the first of its kind to achieve immortality. Because of it, software is now frequently plagued with «bugs».use of bug to refer to an error in computer logic was a metaphorical extension that became so popular that it is now part of the regular meaning of bug. The computer industry has a host of words whose meaning has been extended through such metaphors, including mouse for that now ubiquitous computer input device (so named because the cord connecting it to the computer made it resemble that cutest of rodents).extension is the extension of meaning in a new direction through popular adoption of an originally metaphorical meaning. The crane at a construction site was given its name by comparison to the long-necked bird of the same name. When the meaning of the word daughter was first extended from that of «one’s female child» to «a female descendant» (as in daughter of Eve), the listener might not have even noticed that the meaning had been extended.extension is almost a natural process undergone by every word. We don’t even think of it as meaning change. In its less obvious instances, we don’t even see it as extending the meaning of a word. For example, the word illuminate originally meant «to light up», but has broadened to mean «to clarify», «to edify». These meanings seem so natural as to be integral parts of the words, where senses such as «to celebrate» and «to adorn a page with designs» seem like more obvious additions.few specific metaphors are common to many different languages, and words can be shown to have undergone similar, if independent, developments. Thus the Welsh word haul and the Gaelic word súil, both meaning «sun», have both come to mean «eye». Nor is this metaphor a stranger to English, where the daisy was in Old English originally a compound meaning «day’s eye», from its yellow similarity to the sun.often, languages will differ in the precise correspondences between words, so that some languages have broad words with many meanings, which must be translated into multiple words in another language. A word like paternoster, discussed earlier, with senses ranging from the «Lord’s Prayer» to «a magic spell» to «a large bead» to «a weighted fishing line» will have to be translated into four different words in another language (though I challenge you to find an English-to-language-of-your — choice dictionary that indicates the four meanings of paternoster).Old Meaning«to light up»is metaphorical extension on a grander scale, with new meanings radiating from a central semantic core to embrace many related ideas. The word head originally referred to that part of the human body above the rest. Since the top of a nail, pin or screw is, like the human head, the top of a slim outline, that sense has become included in the meaning of head. Since the bulb of a cabbage or lettuce is round like the human head, that sense has become included in the meaning of head. Know where I’m headed with this? The meaning of the word head has radiated out to include the head of a coin (the side picturing the human head), the head of the list (the top item in the list), the head of a table, the head of the family, a head of cattle, $50 a head. But I’ll stop while I’m ahead.words that have similarly radiated meanings outward from a central core include the words heart, root and sun.only specific subtype of specialization that I have identified is contextual specialization.specializationword undertaker originally meant «one who undertakes a task, especially one who is an entrepreneur». This illustrates contextual specialization, where the meaning of a word is reshaped under pressure from another word that had frequently co-occured with it: thus undertaker acquired its meaning from constant use of the phrase funeral undertaker; eventually, under the pressure towards euphemism, the word funeral was dropped.example of contextual specialization is doctor, which originally meant «a teacher» and then later «an expert», where it came to be used in the phrase medical doctor; now of course this is redundant and medical is omitted, with the primary sense of doctor having become more specialized.Old Meaning«entrepreneur»«teacher»heard an American student at Cambridge University telling some English friends how he climbed over a locked gate to get into his college and tore his pants, and one of them asked, ‘But, how could you tear your pants and not your trousers?Moss, «British/American Language Dictionary»occur when the sense of a word expands and contracts, with the final focus of the meaning different from the original. For some reason, words describing clothing tend to shift meanings more frequently than other words, perhaps because fashion trends come and go, leaving words to seem as old fashioned as the clothing they describe. Who today wants to wear bloomers, knickers or pantaloons?word pants has an interesting history. It’s ultimate etymon is Old Italian Pantalone. In the 1600s, Italy developed commedia dell’arte, a style of comedy based on improvisation using stock characters. Pantalone was a stock character who was portrayed as a foolish old man wearing slippers and tight trousers. Through regular metyonmy, speakers of Old French borrowed his name to describe his Italian trousers. Their word was then borrowed into English as pantaloon, which in time was shortened to pants and came to mean trousers in general. British speakers of English have modified the meaning again to the sense of «underpants», resulting in the confusing situation described in Norman Moss’ quote above.like discarded laundry along the divide separating British and American English are quite a few words for clothing, as the following table shows.Meaning: English dialect jump: «loose jacket»: «pinafore»: «a light pullover»: knickerbockers: «breeches banded below knee»: «boy’s baggy trousers banded below knee»: «bloomers, old-fashioned female underpants»: pantaloon, from Old French pantalon: «men’s wide breeches extending from waist to ankle»: «trousers»: «underpants»: suspend: (unchanged) «straps to support trousers»: (unchanged): «garter»: tight, adj.: (unchanged) «snug, stretchable apparel worn from neck to toe; typically worn by dancers or acrobats»: (unchanged): «pantyhose»: Old French veste It. Lat. vestis: «clothing»: «waistcoat»: «undershirt»’s poem gave many good examples of amelioration, including priest from «old man». A complementary term, pastor, likewise underwent amelioration, originally meaning «shepherd» (a sense surviving in the word pastoral), but coming to mean its current sense of «minister» by the extensive Christian references to «the Lord is my shepherd» as a call to ministry.following table shows other examples, including pluck in the sense of He has a lot of pluck.Old Meaning«abuse»(«courage») «entrails» «shepherd»(«spirit») «act of tugging» «woman»James II called the just completed St. Paul’s Cathedral amusing, awful and artificial. Call the just completed rock and roll museum in Cleveland amusing, awful and artificial, and you may be accurate but you will mean something quite different from King James. When he lived, those words meant that the cathedral was «pleasing, awe-inspiring and artful» respectively. The meaning of each word has grown more negative with time. People seem much more likely to drag words down than to lift them up, to build museums instead of cathedrals, as the following examples may demonstrate.Old Meaning«strong»«knowing»«distinguished, standing out from the herd»«a boy»«famous»«flexible»«popular»reversala word will shift so far from its original meaning that its meaning will nearly reverse. Fascinatingly enough, the word manufacture originally meant «to make by hand».Old Meaning«an original»«to sort out»«to make by hand»contronym is like a word that has undergone semantic reversal, only the tension has not eased: the word still preserves its original meaning, along with a contradictory — if not exactly counterposed — meaning.Meanings«happening every other month», «happening twice monthly»«happening every other week», «happening twice weekly»«to overwhelm with force, especially rape»*, «to overwhelm with emotion, enrapture»«authoritative measure of approval»*, «coercive measure of disapproval of nation against nation»Brit. «to put on the table for discussion», Amer. «to set aside a motion rather than discuss it», biannual means only «twice each year», with no recorded sense of «every other year» in Webster’s II New Riverside University Dictionary.word cleave (meaning «to split or separate» or «to adhere or cling») is actually two different words, both from the Old English (cle-ofan and cleofian respectively) but by changes in pronunciation, these words have evolved the same current form.nadir of semantics is meaninglessness. The final semantic change. The death of meaning. The defeat of sigor.word sigor is Old English for «victory». It is now meaningless to almost all English speakers, except for those familiar with Old English or with German (where its cognate survives in Seig).now know what sigor means. Is this a change in its meaning or a change in the very state of the word? Is death part of life?change across languages
for a moment that sigor had survived. It might have been changed to siyor, and its meaning could have generalized to «success». It would then stand in contrast to the German Seig.languages, or dialects of a language, often have the same basic word with different meanings. These word pairs then become known as «false friends» to speakers trying to learn the other language. For instance, German Lust means «pleasure», which is in fact the original meaning of the English word, which comes from the same common ancestor as Lust. In English, lust underwent specialization and pejoration, as speakers associated it with only one type of pleasure. The British and American English clothing terms also show how related languages can send words off in different directions over time.you develop your model languages, you should have words in related languages undergo different semantic changes. Situations where a word’s meaning changes in two related languages are relatively rare, the example of the Irish and Gaelic words for «sun» evolving into «eye» notwithstanding.languages borrow words, they frequently change the meanings of those borrowings, typically making generic words more specific, in the same way that one language’s place names often grew out of another language’s generic words for concepts such as «hill», «river» and «town». Take the history of the Low German word spittal, derived from a generic Romance word for «hospital» but then applied to «a hospital for lepers».change through timemeaning changehistory of meaning changemeaning changeare slowly changing in meaning even now, though the changes happen at the speed of continental drift rather than with the sudden jolt of earthquakes. To conclude this issue, and to summarize the types of meaning change discussed here, I have extrapolated how some words might change meanings in the next 25 years.: entrepreneur, «small-business owner or worker» (because of its favorable connotations, this word was widely adopted as a label, even by those who were not risk takers).: sun-cell, «electric car» (so called because of the prominent solar cell on the roof of the vehicle).Extension: surfaced, «checked all Internet messages, including e-mail, voice mail and video mail» (originally popularized in the phrase I just surfaced from checking my flood of e-mail; given added cachet under the influence of surf, which see).: Internet, «Internet, narrowcast television, narrowcast radio, virtual reality, videoconferencing» (because it all was added onto the ‘Net).: surf, «navigate the Internet» (traditional «water surfing» becomes called sea-boarding).Specialization: candidate, «political candidate» (the word contestant began to be used instead of candidate for non-political contexts).: fax, «point-to-point e-mail» (e-mail gradually superseded fax). post-modern, «modern» (by calling everything modern post — modern, this change was inevitable).: temp, «specialist».: liberal, «idiot» (this term was used as an insult as early as 1988 and was gradually abandoned as a label by the Democrats it originally described). job, «drudgery».Reversal: modern, «obsolete» (thanks to the change in meaning of post-modern). putrid, «cool» (slang).: communism, «communism, capitalism» (courtesy of the Hong Kong communists).: perestroika (this word was used only by historians interested in how the Russian economy followed that of Sicily).you want to create a slang or jargon, besides coining new words you should change the meanings of current words, much as these examples did. Just be aware that it is easier for an outsider to pick up new words than old words whose meaning has changed, since the outsider will bring all his assumptions from past experience to bear, so that when he hears a teenager call something putrid, he will assume that it is putrid.history of meaning changesay that Bilbo’s breath was taken away is no description at all. There are no words left to express his staggerment, since Men changed the language that they learned of elves in the days when all the world was wonderful. Bilbo had heard tell and sing of dragon-hoards before, but the splendour, the lust, the glory of such treasure had never yet come home to him..R.R. Tolkien, «The Hobbit»the history of semantic change had to be summed up as one process, it would be that of specialization. The Anglo Saxons 1500 years ago made do with perhaps 30,000 words in their complete vocabulary, while Modern English has anywhere from 500,000 to a million words, depending on whether or not scientific vocabularies are included.
«In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was God, and the Word was with God.» It could be argued that originally there was one word, from which all others have sprung. The origins of language will never be known, but the first language probably had a vocabulary of a few hundred words, providing a rich enough vocabulary for a primitive people who had few materials and fewer abstract concepts. Many of the words of the first languages had very broad senses of meaning.instance, the word inspire is from the Latin inspirare, which literally means «to breathe into». Its archaic meaning is «to breathe life into», with newer meanings like «to be the cause of», «to elicit», «to move to action», «to exalt» and «to guide by divine influence». Now if a minister were to speak of Adam as dust inspired, he might mean by that not just that the dust is having life breathed into it (the original etymological meaning), but also that the dust is being exalted and given form, that it is being moved to action, and that it is being divinely guided (these are the metaphorical or extended meanings). In other words, this minister might not mean just one of the definitions of inspired but all of them simultaneously.extended meanings are branches that have split off from the trunk, and our hypothetical minister has simply traced them back to the root.you seek to create a language from an earlier time, you should probably develop a small vocabulary, with it words having much more overlapping of meaning than the vocabularies of modern languages. Imagine a word spiratholmos — an ancient ancestor to Latin inspirare — meaning «wind, breath, voice, spirit.» A speaker who used the word spiratholmos would regard the wind in the trees as the breath of the earth, the voice of God, the spirit animating each of us.is different way of looking at words, and prompted Tolkien to write, «There are no words left to express his staggerment, since Men changed the language that they learned of elves in the days when all the world was wonderful.» What Tolkien’s elves might have expressed in one word, resonant with meaning, Tolkien’s diminutive man cannot express at all.change can be viewed dispassionately as a natural process, but it can also be invested with a spiritual significance, as Tolkien and Suffield have done. A model language is an art form and its crafting can even convey this theme of spiritual isolation. As Ronald Suffield wrote, «no word is still the word, but, a loafward has become lord».
word moral experience semantic
A term is a word or expression denoting a concept
in a particular activity, job, or profession. Terms are frequently
associated with professionalisms. Terms can be single words:
psychology, function, equity;
or they may consist of several words: computer
aided design system – система
автоматического
проектирования.
Terms are considered to have one meaning in one field. Contrary to
this belief, terms may have more than one meaning. Different fields
of knowledge ascribe different meanings to one and the same term. For
example, лист in the publishing
field corresponds to the term sheet
(author’s sheet); in biology, it is a
leaf; in
technique, it is a plate;
in geology, it is lamina.
Also, terms of one field are borrowed by other fields, like variant
and invariant
were borrowed into linguistics from mathematics.Such term homonymy
challenges translation. A translator must know the exact meaning of
term in this or that field, as well as its combinability. To do
accurate translation, it is necessary not only to know the meaning of
the terms but also to link them with other words in speech. For
example, the word combination прозвонить
цепь cannot
be rendered by its calque to ring
through the line. Its equivalent is to
test the line. Term translation may
also depend on the regional character of the language. ветровое
стекло (автомобиля)
– windscreen (British English),
windshield (American
English); The origin of term shows several main channels, 3 of them
are characteristic for terminology.1.
Formation of term phrases with subsequent clipping, blending,
abbreviation: television text –
teletext; ecological architecture – ecotechture; extremely low
frequency – ELF.2.
Use of combined forms from Latin and Greek: aerodrome,
aerodynamic, telegraph, thermonuclear, supersonic.
This process is common for terminology in many languages. 3.
Borrowing from another terminological system within the same language
whenever there is affinity between respective fields. Terms can be
formed by affixation: prefixes: co-,
counter-, cross-, dis-, ex-, extra-, mis-, multi-, non-, over-,
para-, poly-, post-, pro-, quasi-, sub-, under-; suffixes:-er/or,
-free, -ism, -less, -like, -oid, -ologist, -worthy; combining
of different parts of speech: N1+N2, N+Part.I; N+Part.II;
Adj.+Part.I; Adj.+Part.II; Num.+ Part.II;.
4. English proverbs, their taxonomy and functionality.
Idiomatic or phraseological expressions (PE) are
structurally, lexically and semantically fixed phrases or sentences
having mostly the meaning, which is not made up by the sum of
meanings of their component parts. the
tables are/were turned(free word-combination) столи
перекинуті/були перекинуті; (idiom)-ситуація
докорінно змінилась; супротивники
помінялись ролями). On
rare occasions the lexical meaning of idiomatically bound expressions
can coincide with their direct not transferred meaning, which
facilitates their
understanding: to
make way-дати дорогу; to
die a dog’s death-здохнути
як собака. Carefully
treated must be many English and Ukrainian picturesque idioms,
proverbs and sayings, which have
national literary images reflect the traditions,
customs of a nation. It often happens that the target language has
more than 1 semantically similar PE for 1 in the source language. The
bulk of this kind of PE belong to the so-called phraseological
unities(many hands make work light-де
згода, там і вигода; гуртом і чорта
побореш; гуртом і батька добре бити;
громада-великий чоловік)
By choosing absolute/complete equivalents-cold
as ice
Translation of idioms by choosing near
equivalents—
to make a long story short-сказати
коротко
Translation by choosing genuine idiomatic
analogies. to
have the ready tongue-за словом
у кишеню не лізти).
Translating idioms by choosing approximate
analogies- to lose one’s
breath-кидати слова на
вітер
Descriptive translating of idiomatic and set
expressions- a single word(red
blood-мужність,
відвага);with
the help of free combinations of words(school
miss-соромлива,
недосвідчена дівчина);by
a sentence or longer explanation(well
day-день, коли у хворого
не погіршувався стан здоров’я).
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The etymology of a word refers to its origin and historical development: that is, its earliest known use, its transmission from one language to another, and its changes in form and meaning. Etymology is also the term for the branch of linguistics that studies word histories.
What’s the Difference Between a Definition and an Etymology?
A definition tells us what a word means and how it’s used in our own time. An etymology tells us where a word came from (often, but not always, from another language) and what it used to mean.
For example, according to The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, the definition of the word disaster is «an occurrence causing widespread destruction and distress; a catastrophe» or «a grave misfortune.» But the etymology of the word disaster takes us back to a time when people commonly blamed great misfortunes on the influence of the stars.
Disaster first appeared in English in the late 16th century, just in time for Shakespeare to use the word in the play King Lear. It arrived by way of the Old Italian word disastro, which meant «unfavorable to one’s stars.»
This older, astrological sense of disaster becomes easier to understand when we study its Latin root word, astrum, which also appears in our modern «star» word astronomy. With the negative Latin prefix dis- («apart») added to astrum («star»), the word (in Latin, Old Italian, and Middle French) conveyed the idea that a catastrophe could be traced to the «evil influence of a star or planet» (a definition that the dictionary tells us is now «obsolete»).
Is the Etymology of a Word Its True Definition?
Not at all, though people sometimes try to make this argument. The word etymology is derived from the Greek word etymon, which means «the true sense of a word.» But in fact the original meaning of a word is often different from its contemporary definition.
The meanings of many words have changed over time, and older senses of a word may grow uncommon or disappear entirely from everyday use. Disaster, for instance, no longer means the «evil influence of a star or planet,» just as consider no longer means «to observe the stars.»
Let’s look at another example. Our English word salary is defined by The American Heritage Dictionary as «fixed compensation for services, paid to a person on a regular basis.» Its etymology can be traced back 2,000 years to sal, the Latin word for salt. So what’s the connection between salt and salary?
The Roman historian Pliny the Elder tells us that «in Rome, a soldier was paid in salt,» which back then was widely used as a food preservative. Eventually, this salarium came to signify a stipend paid in any form, usually money. Even today the expression «worth your salt» indicates that you’re working hard and earning your salary. However, this doesn’t mean that salt is the true definition of salary.
Where Do Words Come From?
New words have entered (and continue to enter) the English language in many different ways. Here are some of the most common methods.
- Borrowing
The majority of the words used in modern English have been borrowed from other languages. Although most of our vocabulary comes from Latin and Greek (often by way of other European languages), English has borrowed words from more than 300 different languages around the world. Here are just a few examples:
futon (from the Japanese word for «bedclothes, bedding») - hamster (Middle High German hamastra)
- kangaroo (Aboriginal language of Guugu Yimidhirr, gangurru , referring to a species of kangaroo)
- kink (Dutch, «twist in a rope»)
- moccasin (Native American Indian, Virginia Algonquian, akin to Powhatan mäkäsn and Ojibwa makisin)
- molasses (Portuguese melaços, from Late Latin mellceum, from Latin mel, «honey»)
- muscle (Latin musculus, «mouse»)
- slogan (alteration of Scots slogorne, «battle cry»)
- smorgasbord (Swedish, literally «bread and butter table»)
- whiskey (Old Irish uisce, «water,» and bethad, «of life»)
- Clipping or Shortening
Some new words are simply shortened forms of existing words, for instance indie from independent; exam from examination; flu from influenza, and fax from facsimile. - Compounding
A new word may also be created by combining two or more existing words: fire engine, for example, and babysitter. - Blends
A blend, also called a portmanteau word, is a word formed by merging the sounds and meanings of two or more other words. Examples include moped, from mo(tor) + ped(al), and brunch, from br(eakfast) + (l)unch. - Conversion or Functional Shift
New words are often formed by changing an existing word from one part of speech to another. For example, innovations in technology have encouraged the transformation of the nouns network, Google, and microwave into verbs. - Transfer of Proper Nouns
Sometimes the names of people, places, and things become generalized vocabulary words. For instance, the noun maverick was derived from the name of an American cattleman, Samuel Augustus Maverick. The saxophone was named after Sax, the surname of a 19th-century Belgian family that made musical instruments. - Neologisms or Creative Coinages
Now and then, new products or processes inspire the creation of entirely new words. Such neologisms are usually short lived, never even making it into a dictionary. Nevertheless, some have endured, for example quark (coined by novelist James Joyce), galumph (Lewis Carroll), aspirin (originally a trademark), grok (Robert A. Heinlein). - Imitation of Sounds
Words are also created by onomatopoeia, naming things by imitating the sounds that are associated with them: boo, bow-wow, tinkle, click.
Why Should We Care About Word Histories?
If a word’s etymology is not the same as its definition, why should we care at all about word histories? Well, for one thing, understanding how words have developed can teach us a great deal about our cultural history. In addition, studying the histories of familiar words can help us deduce the meanings of unfamiliar words, thereby enriching our vocabularies. Finally, word stories are often both entertaining and thought provoking. In short, as any youngster can tell you, words are fun.
The term colloquial is old enough: Dr Johnson, the great English lexicographer, used it. Yet with him it had a definitely derogatory ring. S. Johnson thought colloquial words inconsistent with good usage and, thinking it his duty to reform the English language, he advised “to clear it from colloquial barbarisms”. By the end of the 19th century with Neo-grammarians the description of colloquial speech came into its own, and linguists began to study the vocabulary that people actually use under various circumstances and not what they may be justified in using.
As employed in our time, the adjective colloquial does not necessarily mean ‘slangy’ or ‘vulgar’, although slang and vulgar vocabulary make part of colloquial vocabulary, or, in set-theoretical terminology, form subsets contained in the set we call colloquial vocabulary.
The term literary colloquial is used to denote the vocabulary used by educated people in the course of ordinary conversation or when writing letters to intimate friends. A good sample may be found in works by a number of authors, such as J. Galsworthy, E.M. Forster, C.P. Snow, W.S. Maugham, J.B.Priestley, and others. For a modern reader it represents the speech of the elder generations. The younger generation of writers (M. Drabble for instance) adhere to familiar colloquial. So it seems in a way to be a differentiation of generations. Familiar colloquial is more emotional and much more free and careless than literary colloquial. It is also characterised by a great number of jocular or ironical expressions and nonce-words.
Low colloquial is a term used for illiterate popular speech. It is very difficult to find hard and fast rules that help to establish the boundary between low colloquial and dialect, because in actual communication the two are often used together. Moreover, we have only the evidence of fiction to go by, and this may be not quite accurate in speech characterisation. The basis of distinction between low colloquial and the two other types of colloquial is purely social. Everybody remembers G.B. Shaw’s “Pygmalion” where the problem of speech as a mark of one’s social standing and of social inequalities is one of the central issues. Ample material for observation of this layer of vocabulary is provided by the novels of Alan Sillitoe, Sid Chaplin or Stan Barstow. The chief peculiarities of low colloquial concern grammar and pronunciation; as to the vocabulary, it is different from familiar colloquial in that it contains more vulgar words, and sometimes also elements of dialect.
Other vocabulary layers below the level of standard educated speech are, besides low colloquial, the so-called slang and argot. Unlike low colloquial, however, they have only lexical peculiarities. Argot should be distinguished from slang: the first term serves to denote a special vocabulary and idiom, used by a particular social or age group, especially by the so-called underworld (the criminal circles). Its main point is to be unintelligible to outsiders.
The boundaries between various layers of colloquial vocabulary not being very sharply defined, it is more convenient to characterise it on the whole. If we realise that gesture, tone and voice and situation are almost as important in an informal act of communication as words are, we shall be able to understand why a careful choice of words in everyday conversation plays a minor part as compared with public speech or literature, and consequently the vocabulary is much less variegated. The same pronouns, prop-words, auxiliaries, postpositives and the same most frequent and generic terms are used again and again, each conveying a great number of different meanings. Only a small fraction of English vocabulary is put to use, so that some words are definitely overworked. Words like thing, business, do, get, go, fix, nice, really, well and other words characterised by a very high rank of frequency are used in all types of informal intercourse conveying a great variety of denotative and emotional meanings and fulfilling no end of different functions. The utterances abound in imaginative phraseology, ready-made formulas of politeness and tags, standard expressions of assent, dissent, surprise, pleasure, gratitude, apology, etc.
The following extract from the play “An Inspector Calls” by J.B. Priestley can give ample material for observations:
BIRLING (triumphantly): There you are! Proof positive. The whole story’s just a lot of moonshine. Nothing but an elaborate sell. (He produces a huge sigh of relief.) Nobody likes to be sold as
badly as that — but — for all that – – – – (He smiles at them
all.) Gerald, have a drink.
GERALD (smiling): Thanks. I think I could just do with one now.
BIRLING (going to sideboard): So could I.
Mrs BIRLING (smiling): And I must say, Gerald, you’ve argued this very cleverly, and I’m most grateful.
GERALD (going for his drink): Well, you see, while I was out of the house I’d time to cool off and think things out a little.
BIRLING (giving him a drink): Yes, he didn’t keep you on the run as he did the rest of us. I’ll admit now he gave me a bit of a scare at the time. But I’d a special reason for not wanting any public scandal just now. (Has his drink now, and raises his glass.) Well, here’s to us. Come on, Sheila, don’t look like that. All over now.
Among the colloquialisms occurring in this conversation one finds whole formulas, such as there you are, you see, I’m most grateful, here’s to us; set expressions: a lot of moonshine, keep sb on the run, for all that, cases of semi-conversion or typical word-groups like have a drink (and not drink)’, give a scare (and not scare)’, verbs with postpositives: cool off, think things out, come on; particles like just and well. Every type of colloquial style is usually rich in figures of speech. There is no point in enumerating them all, and we shall only note the understatement: a bit of a scare, I could just do with one.
The above list shows that certain lexical patterns are particularly characteristic of colloquialisms. Some may be added to those already mentioned.
Substantivised adjectives are very frequent in colloquial speech: constitutional ‘a walk’, daily ‘a woman who comes daily to help with household chores’, also greens for‘green leaf vegetables’, such as spinach, cabbage, etc., and woollies ‘woollen clothes’.
A large number of new formations is supplied by a process combining composition and conversion and having as prototypes verbs with postpositives: carry-on ‘way of behaving’, let-down ‘an unexpected disappointment’, make-up ‘cosmetics’.
One of the most modern developments frequent in colloquial style are the compounds coined by back-formation: the type to baby-sit (from baby-sitter) is often resorted to.
It is common knowledge that colloquial English is very emotional.1 Emotions find their lexical expression not only in emphatic adverbs and adjectives of the awfully and divine type, or interjections including swear words, but also in a great number of other lexical intensifiers. In the following example the feeling named by the novelist is expressed in direct speech by an understatement: Gazing down with an expression that was loving, gratified and knowledgeable, she said, “Now I call that a bit of all right.” (Snow)
In all the groups of colloquialisms, and in familiar colloquial especially, words easily acquire new meanings and new valency. We have already observed it in the case of the verb do inI could do with one meaning ‘I would like to have (a drink)’ and originally used jokingly. Make do is a colloquialism also characterised by fixed context; it means ‘to continue to use old things instead of buying new ones, to economise’. Other peculiarities of valency of the same verb are observed in such combinations as do a museum, or do for sb, meaning ‘to act as a housekeeper’. Verbs with postpositives are used in preference to their polysyllabic synonyms.
Such intensifiers as absolutely, fabulous/fab, grand, lovely, superb, terrific and the like come readily to the speaker’s lips. Getting hackneyed, they are apt to lose their denotational meaning and keep only their intensifying function. The loss of denotational meaning in intensifiers is also very obvious in various combinations with the word dead, such as dead sure, dead easy, dead right, dead slow, dead straight.
As these adverbs and adjectives become stale other expressive means may be used. Here is an example of heated argument in literary colloquial between the well-bred and educated personages of СР. Snow’s “The Conscience of the Rich»:
“If you’re seriously proposing to print rumours without even a scrap of evidence, the paper isn’t going to last very long, is it?”
“Why in God’s name not?”
“What’s going to stop a crop of libel actions’?”
“The trouble with you lawyers,” said Seymour, jauntily once more, “is that you never know when a fact is a fact, and you never see an inch beyond your noses. I am prepared to bet any of you, or all three, if you like, an even hundred pounds that no one, no one brings an action against us over this business”.
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1 The subject has been dealt with in the previous chapter but a few additional examples will not come amiss.
Carefully observing the means of emphasis used in the passage above, one will notice that the words a scrap, an inch, even are used here only as intensifiers lending emphasis to what is being said; they are definitely colloquial. But they have these properties due to the context, and the reader will have no difficulty in finding examples where these words are neither emphatic nor stylistically coloured. The conclusion is that some words acquire these characteristics only under certain very definite conditions, and may be contrasted with words and expressions that are always emotional and always colloquial in all their meanings, whatever the context. On earth or in God’s name, for instance, are colloquial and emotional only after some interrogative word: Why in God’s name …, Why on earth …, Where in God’s name …, Where on earth …, What in God’s name…, What on earth…, etc. A typical context is seen in the following extract: The man must be mad, sitting-out there on a freezing morning like this. What on earth he thinks he is doing I can’t imagine (Shaffer). On the other hand, there exist oaths, swear words and their euphemistic variations that function as emotional colloquialisms independent of the context. The examples are: by God, Goodness gracious, for Goodness sake, good Lord and many others. They occur very often and are highly differentiated socially. Not only is there a difference in expressions used by schoolboys and elderly ladies, sailors and farmers but even those chosen by students of different universities may show some local colour.
Many lexical expressions of modality may be also referred to colloquialisms, as they do not occur anywhere except informal everyday intercourse. Affirmative and negative answers, for instance, show a wide range of modality shades: definitely, up to a point, in a way, exactly, right-o, by all means, I expect so, I should think so, rather, and on the other hand: I am afraid, not or not at all, not in the least, by no means, etc. E. g.: Mr Salter’s side of the conversation was limited to expressions of assent. When Lord Copper was right he said, “Definitely, Lord Copper”; when he was wrong, “Up to a point.” (Waugh) The emotional words already mentioned are used as strong negatives in familiar or low colloquial: “Have you done what he told you?” “Have I hell!” The answer means ‘Of course I have not and have no intention of doing it’. Or: “So he died of natural causes, did he?” “Natural causes be damned.” The implication is that there is no point in pretending the man died of natural causes, because it is obvious that he was killed. A synonymous expression much used at present is my foot. The second answer could be substituted by Natural causes my foot, without any change in meaning.
Colloquialisms are a persistent feature of the conversation of at least 90% of the population. For a foreign student the first requirement is to be able to differentiate those idioms that belong to literature, and those that are peculiar to spoken language. It is necessary to pay attention to comments given in good dictionaries as to whether a word is colloquial (colloq.), slang (sl.) or vulgar (vulg.).
To use colloquialisms one must have an adequate fluency in English and a sufficient familiarity with the language, otherwise one may sound ridiculous, especially, perhaps, if one uses a mixture of British and American colloquialisms. The author has witnessed some occasions where a student used American slang words intermingled with idiomatic expressions learned from Ch. Dickens, with a kind of English public school accent; the result was that his speech sounded like nothing on earth.
SLANG
Slang words are identified and distinguished by contrasting them to standard literary vocabulary. They are expressive, mostly ironical words serving to create fresh names for some things that are frequent topics of discourse. For the most part they sound somewhat vulgar, cynical and harsh, aiming to show the object of speech in the light of an off-hand contemptuous ridicule. Vivid examples can be furnished by various slang words for money, such as beans, brass, dibs, dough, chink, oof, wads; the slang synonyms for word head are attic, brain-pan, hat peg, nut, upper storey, compare also various synonyms for the adjective drunk: boozy, cock-eyed, high, soaked, tight and many more. Notions that for some reason or other are apt to excite an emotional reaction attract as a rule many synonyms: there are many slang words for food, alcohol drinks, stealing and other violations of the law, for jail, death, madness, drug use, etc.
Slang has often attracted the attention of lexicographers. The best-known English slang dictionary is compiled by E. Partridge.
The subject of slang has caused much controversy for many years. Very different opinions have been expressed concerning its nature, its boundaries and the attitude that should be adopted towards it. The question whether it should be considered a healthful source of vocabulary development or a manifestation of vocabulary decay has been often discussed.
It has been repeatedly stated by many authors that after a slang word has been used in speech for a certain period of time, people get accustomed to it and it ceases to produce that shocking effect for the sake of which it has been originally coined. The most vital among slang words are then accepted into literary vocabulary. The examples are bet, bore, chap, donkey, fun, humbug, mob, odd, pinch, shabby, sham, snob, trip, also some words from the American slang: graft, hitch-hiker, sawbones, etc.
These words were originally slang words but have now become part of literary vocabulary. The most prominent place among them is occupied by words or expressions having no synonyms and serving as expressive names for some specific notions. The word teenager, so very frequent now, is a good example. Also blurb — a publisher’s eulogy of a book printed on its jacket or in advertisements elsewhere, which is originally American slang word.
The communicative value of these words ensures their stability. But they are rather the exception. The bulk of slang is formed by shortlived words. E. Partridge, one of the best known specialists in English
slang, gives as an example a series of vogue words designating a man of fashion that superseded one another in English slang. They are: blood (1550-1660), macaroni (1760), buck (1720-1840), swell (1811), dandy (1820-1870), toff (1851)1.
It is convenient to group slang words according to their place in the vocabulary system, and more precisely, in the semantic system of the vocabulary. If they denote a new and necessary notion, they may prove an enrichment of the vocabulary and be accepted into standard English. If, on the other hand, they make just another addition to a cluster of synonyms, and have nothing but novelty to back them, they die out very quickly, constituting the most changeable part of the vocabulary.
Another type of classification suggests subdivision according to the sphere of usage, into general slang and special slang. General slang includes words that are not specific for any social or professional group, whereas special slang is peculiar for some such group: teenager slang, university slang, public school slang, Air Force slang, football slang, sea slang, and so on. This second group is heterogeneous. Some authors, A.D. Schweitzer for instance, consider argot to belong here. It seems, however, more logical to differentiate slang and argot. The essential difference between them results from the fact that the first has an expressive function, whereas the second is primarily concerned with secrecy. Slang words are clearly motivated, сf. cradle-snatcher ‘an old man who marries or courts a much younger woman’; belly-robber ‘the head of a military canteen’; window-shopping ‘feasting one’s eyes on the goods displaced in the shops, without buying anything’. Argot words on the contrary do not show their motivation, сf. rap ‘kill’, shin ‘knife’, book ‘a life sentence’.
Regarding professional words that are used by representatives of various trades in oral intercourse, it should be observed that when the word is the only name for some special notion it belongs not to slang but to terminology. If, on the other hand, it is a jocular name for something that can be described in some other way, it is slang.
There are cases, of course, when words originating as professional slang later on assume the dignity of special terms or pass on into general slang. The borderlines are not always sharp and distinct.
For example, the expression be on the beam was first used by pilots about the beam of the radio beacon indicating the proper course for the aircraft to follow. Then figuratively be on the beam came to mean ‘to be right’, whereas be off the beam came to mean ‘to be wrong’ or ‘to be at a loss’.
1 To this list the 20th century words masher and teddy-boy could be added. There seems to be no new equivalent in today’s English because such words as mod and rocker (like beat and beatnik) or hippy and punk imply not only, and not so much a certain way of dressing but other tastes and mental make-up as well. Mods (admirers of modern jazz music) and more sportive rockers were two groups of English youth inimical to one another. The words are formed by abbreviation and ellipsis: mod< modern jazz; rocker < rock’n roll; beat, beatnik < beat generation’, punk<punk rocker.
A great deal of slang comes from the USA: corny, cute, fuss-pot, teenager, swell, etc. It would be, however, erroneous to suppose that slang is always American in its origin. On the contrary, American slang also contains elements coming from Great Britain, such as cheerio ‘goodbye’, right-o ‘yes’ > Gerry for ‘a German soldier’, and some, though not many, others.
Slang is a difficult problem and much yet remains to be done in elucidating it, but a more complete treatment of this layer of vocabulary would result in an undue swelling of the chapter. Therefore in concluding the discussion of slang we shall only emphasise that the most important peculiarities of slang concern not form but content. The lexical meaning of a slang word contains not only the denotational component but also an emotive component (most often it expresses irony) and all the other possible types of connotation — it is expressive, evaluative and stylistically coloured and is the marked member of a stylistic opposition.
tions, the salesmen of these were stationers and what they sold — stationery (with the noun suffix -ery as in grocery or bakery).
Not all doublets come in pairs. Examples of groups are: appreciate, appraise, apprise; astound, astonish, stun; kennel, channel, canal.
The Latin word discus is the origin of a whole group of doublets:
dais<ME deis < OF deis < Lat discus dish < ME dish < OE disc < Lat discus disc/disk < Lat discus discus (in sport) < Lat discus
Other doublets that for the most part justify their names by coming in pairs show in their various ways the influence of the language or dialect systems which they passed before entering the English vocabulary.
Compare words borrowed in Middle English from Parisian French: chase, chieftain, chattels, guard, gage with their doublets of Norman French origin: catch, captain, cattle, ward, wage.