In 1929 an RAF crew took aerial shots of the site of the old Roman town of Venta Icenorum around the church of Caistor St Edmund near Norwich. The photographs revealed an extensive road network and soon the archaeologists moved in. During their excavations they came across a large early Anglo-Saxon cemetery with burials dating from the 5th century.
In the cemetery they found some cremation urns as well as pots with possessions in. One of these was full of bones – but they were not human remains. Most were sheep knuckle bones and probably dice or other game pieces. But amongst them was a bone that was and still is of historical importance.
It was a bone from a Roe deer and upon it there were runic inscriptions:
The runes were old German/ old english runes and spelt this word:
Which means Raihan. What is Raihan? Well the ‘an’ in old German meant ”belonging to or from” and the Raih is believed to be a very early version of the word ROE. So this inscription which has been dated to circa 420 AD means “from a roe”.
It is not uncomon in the Saxon period to find similar bones from other animals with writing telling us which beast it is from.
So what we have here are the possessions of a man or woman from the VERY first years of Anglo-Saxon settlement of East Anglia buried in a cemetery that would have been very new within or close to a decaying Roman town. What we also have is the VERY FIRST word written in what would one day become England in the language which would one day be called English.
What we see here are the scrapings of one of the first of the mercenaries who crossed the north sea on hearing the call from the Britons for fighters to help protect Britannia from the Picts and Irish. He and thousands like him stayed on to carve out a nation.
There is more on this word and 99 other ones that form part of our history in The Story of English in 100 words by David Crystal. Its a fascinating book and I very much recommend it.
I find this evidence of the first written word in English fascinating and quite romantic really. I write novels about the early Anglo-Saxon period — always striving to bring back to live people who died 14 centuries ago. This to me is a tangible relic of one of those people. To find out more about my books click here.
The earliest written records of English are inscriptions on hard material made in a special alphabet known as the runes. The word rune originally meant ‘secret’, ‘mystery, and hence came to denote inscriptions believed to be magic. There is no doubt that the art of runic writing was known to the Germanic tribes long before they came to Britain. The runes were used as letters, each symbol to indicate a separate sound. The two best known runic inscriptions in England is an inscription on a box called the «Franks Casket» and the other is a short text on a a stone known as the «Ruthwell Cross». Both records are in the Northumbrian dialect. Many runic inscriptions have been preserved on weapons, coins, amulets, rings. The total number of runic inscriptions in OE is about forty; the last of them belong to the end of the OE period. The first English words to be written down with the help of Latin characters were personal names and place names inserted in Latin texts. Glosses (заметки) to the Gospels (Евангелие) and other religious texts were made in many English monasteries, for the benefit of those who did not know enough Latin (we may mantion the Corpus and Epinal glossaries in the 8th c. Mercian).OE poetry is famous for Bede’s HISTORIA ECCLESIASTICA GENTIS ANGLORUM, which is in Latin, but contains an English fragment of 5 lines. There are about 30,000 lines of OE verse. OE poetry is mainly restricted to 3 subjects: heroic, religious and lyrical. The greatest poem of that time was BEOWULF, an epic of the 7th or 8th c. It was originally composed in the Mercian or Nuthumbrian dialect, but has come to us in a 10th c. West Saxon copy. OE prose: the ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLES. Also prose was in translating books on geography, history, philosophy from Latin. TE LIVES OF THE SAINTS by Alfric, the HOMILIES by Wulfstan (passionate sermons – страстные поучения). OE Alphabet. OE scribes (писцы) used two kinds of letters: the runes and the letters of the Latin alphabet. The runes were used as letters, each symbol to indicate a separate sound. Besides. A rune could also represent a word beginning with that sound and was called by that word. In some inscriptions the runes were found arranged in a fixed order making a sort of alphabet. After the first six letters this alphabet is called futhark. The runic alphabet is a specifically Germanic alphabet, not to be found in languages of other groups. The letters are angular (угловые), straight lines are preferred, curved lines avoided: this is due to the fact that runic inscriptions were cut in hard material: stone, bone, or wood. The shapes of some letters resemble those of Greek or Latin, others have not been traced to any known alphabet. Some OE letters indicate two or more sounds, even distinct phonemes. The letters could indicate short and long sounds. The length of vowels is shown by a macron or by line above the letter; long consonants are indicated by double letters.
Вычисление основной дактилоскопической формулы Вычислением основной дактоформулы обычно занимается следователь. Для этого все десять пальцев разбиваются на пять пар… |
Расчетные и графические задания Равновесный объем — это объем, определяемый равенством спроса и предложения… |
Кардиналистский и ординалистский подходы Кардиналистский (количественный подход) к анализу полезности основан на представлении о возможности измерения различных благ в условных единицах полезности… |
Обзор компонентов Multisim Компоненты – это основа любой схемы, это все элементы, из которых она состоит. Multisim оперирует с двумя категориями… |
I answered a similar question on Linguistics SE, which I will plagiarize in part here:
How etymological research is done has varied through time. In the case of the «New English Dictionary» (the first edition of the Oxford English Dictionary), work started on it in 1857. Then:
[I]n January 1859, the Society issued their ‘Proposal for the publication of a New English Dictionary,’ in which the characteristics of the proposed work were explained, and an appeal made to the English and American public to assist in collecting the raw materials for the work, these materials consisting of quotations illustrating the use of English words by all writers of all ages and in all senses, each quotation being made on a uniform plan on a half-sheet of notepaper, that they might in due course be arranged and classified alphabetically and by meanings. This Appeal met with a generous response: some hundreds of volunteers began to read books, make quotations, and send in their slips to ‘sub-editors,’ who volunteered each to take charge of a letter or part of one, and by whom the slips were in tum further arranged, classified, and to some extent used as the basis of definitions and skeleton schemes of the meanings of words in preparation for the Dictionary.
An Appeal to the English-Speaking and English-Reading Public to Read Books and Make Extracts for The Philological Society’s New English Dictionary
One significant contributor to the early OED worth mentioning is William Chester Minor (1834 – 1920). He was insane, but he was also good at doing etymological research. His story, graphic in some parts, can be found here:
What made him so good, so prolific, was his method: Instead of copying quotations willy-nilly, he’d flip through his library and make a word list for each individual book, indexing the location of nearly every word he saw. These catalogues effectively transformed Minor into a living, breathing search engine. He simply had to reach out to the Oxford editors and ask: So, what words do you need help with?
The «Reading Programme» is still used by the OED, although the methodology is different. The books are still read all the same but here’s what happens next according to a freelance researcher for the OED:
I then consult OED Online to determine whether the word or phrase is in the Dictionary: if it is not, I submit it as a ‘not-in’, and if it is, I decide whether its form or context is important enough to warrant its submission. If it does qualify, I enter the information into tagged fields in an electronic file that has been set up in a standard format. When I have finished the reading, I submit the file to Oxford or New York, where the records are incorporated into OED‘s working database for consideration by the editors, along with thousands of paper citation slips, as they proceed through the current revision. Yes, some of my finds are still submitted as paper slips—a reminder of OED‘s long heritage—but, electronic or paper, I can hardly imagine a better job.
The quotations were collected in a machine readable format for the first time in 1989. The 1990 UK Reading Programme captured material electronically. (Note that the second edition of the Oxford English Dictionary came out in 1989.)
In addition to this, the OED now utilizes several online databases of texts, such as Early English Books Online, Eighteenth Century Collections Online, and some newspaper databases.
I have access (for now) to several of these paywalled databases through my college.
If you do your own research with databases (many people use the free Google Books), it’s often easy to find antedatings for pages that haven’t been updated for the third edition of the OED. Updates to the OED3 started in 2000 and continue to this day: it’s a huge dictionary and updating takes time.
See also:
- OED: Researching the Language
Linguistics/English 395,
Spring 2009
Prof. Suzanne Kemmer
Rice University
Course Information
Course Schedule
Owlspace login page
Spelling and Standardization in English: Historical Overview
Writing systems and alphabets in England
English has an alphabetic writing system based on the Roman alphabet
that was brought to Anglo-Saxon England by Christian missionaries
and church officials in the 600s. An earlier Germanic writing system
called runes, also alphabetic and originating ultimately from the same
source as the Roman alphabet, was used for more limited purposes
(largely incantations, curses, and a few poems) when the tribes were
still on the continent and also after their migration to Britain,
up until Christianization.
Alphabetic writing systems are based on the principle of representing
spoken sound segments, specifically those at the level of consonants
and vowels, by written characters, ideally one for each sound
segment. Crucial elements of the sound stream of a message are thus
‘captured’ by a linear sequence of marks that can be «sounded out» to
recapture the message by means of its sounds. The entire sound stream
is not captured, but enough of it is to provide a prompt for lexical
recognition. (Other kinds of writing systems are based on written
representation of other linguistic units such as syllables, words, or
some mix of these.)
The Roman alphabet and Anglo-Saxon
The Roman alphabet, being designed for a language with a very different
phonological system, was never perfectly adapted for writing English
even when first used to represent Anglo-Saxon. The first monks
writing English using Roman letters soon
added new characters to handle the extra sounds. For example, the
front low vowel /æ/ of Anglo-Saxon was represented by a ligature of a
and e, forming a single written character called ash.
They also added a
few runic characters to the alphabet
to represent consonant sounds not
found in Latin or its Romance descendents, such as the fricatives
thorn þ, eth ð, and yogh ȝ (a voiced palatal or velar
fricative, represented by a character that looks
somewhat like a 3). Later on in the medieval
period these runic characters
were replaced with digraphs, two-letter symbols such
as th, sh, and gh. The letters in these digraphs do not have their usual
values, but are used as a complex to indicate single sounds.
Writing in Anglo-Saxon: Variation and incipient standardization
Norms for writing words consistently with an alphabetic character set
are collectively called orthography. Consistency in writing was never
absolute in Anglo-Saxon because the whole system was new and norms for
writing words in a consistent way took time to develop. It is not easy
for writers to remember a single orthographic representation, called a spelling,
for a word; yet this is what is required for standardization, unless
there is a perfect one-to-one correspondence between phonemes and
graphemes, which is an ideal rarely reached with alphabetic systems.
Writers seem to prefer to produce
written forms they have seen before for specific words, even if there
is not a good match between written characters and sounds.
From the reader’s perspective, we might think that simply pronouncing
a word based on the prompts provided by the graphemes would be enough
to allow a reader to produce a spoken message matching the written
form. Yet it turns out that producing the sound of an utterance by
reading it off from the graphemes is no simple cognitive task.
Getting a pronunciation out of alphabetic writing requires people to
analyze the sound string down to the level of component sounds. Yet
this type of phonemic analysis is apparently not an obvious or natural
one for humans; it needs to be taught intensively before it can be
done fairly automatically and that is one reason why acquisition of
literacy at an early age is stressed in cultures with alphabetic
writing. It takes a lot of practice to reliably decode messages from
alphabetic writing. Some of those who try to learn to read alphabetic
writing never master it because they can’t separate the speech string
into individual segments, which are clusters of vocal gestures in
consonants and vowels, in this way. Syllables apparently are a more
natural unit for humans to perceive and hence code (write) and decode
(read) by means of marks on a page.
Reading is also apparently swifter the more familiar the form of the
written words are. A word in a spelling the reader has seen before is
easier and quicker to recognize than one not seen before. Also reading
is apparently quicker the less variation there is in the forms of
words. (But there is much individual variation on this last point.)
The manuscripts were apparently normally read aloud, rather than
internally as most reading is now done. That means the process of
reading was
slow enough that variation in the visual forms did not seriously detract from
production of the sounds as prompted by the written characters. With
reading ‘to oneself’, the process is potentially swifter once the
reader has mastered the system; but variation can then slow it down.
If there was ever consistency at the start of the use of the Roman
alphabet for representing Anglo-Saxon, it began to lessen immediately.
The novelty of the alphabetic system as a technology, the lack of
fixed norms for written representations, and the changes over
time of the language were
all forces that led to greater divergence of the
written forms from the spoken string. Add to that dialect variation:
Some of
the scribes came from outside Wessex, and even when they tried to
write so as to approximate Wessex sounds, their own local
pronunciations often affected the characters they wrote.
Scholars observe the dialect features of individual manuscripts to
gain clues about where the manuscript was composed and/or copied.
There was at that time no strong countervailing force leading toward
standardization, i.e reduction of variation, such as would come
later. Spellings are so variable that to lessen the difficulties
modern readers may have, Old English texts are generally «normalized»,
or printed in accordance with what scholars think is a good
representative form for each word.
Manuscripts were produced in fairly large numbers by monks copying originals
using quill pens, ink, and, as the writing surface, prepared sheepskins (parchment) or the
much more expensive and high quality calfskins
(vellum).
The physical technology of this system hardly changed for 800
years. During that time some norms arose for spelling (incipient
standardized spellings, although still by our standards highly
variable), but the sounds of the language were changing faster. As
usual with written languages, norms for writing lagged behind those
for pronunciation, thus providing another source of divergence of the
written form from the spoken.
Although the royal court was in Winchester, other regional centers of
government and/or learning arose or continued developing, such as
York, Peterborough, Jarrow — and at the end of the Anglo-Saxon period,
just before the conquest, London. The first three of these centers
tended to have their own orthographic norms based on Northern
pronunciations. Thus there was no single center for the development of
orthographic norms, although the royal court in the south exerted a
powerful force for normalization.
The period after the conquest: Spelling during the Middle English period
The Norman Conquest and its aftermath changed the entire social and
governmental structure. It also affected spelling greatly, for various
reasons. The most obvious is that the use of English in written
documents was greatly reduced. English was no longer the dominant
language for law and government, so the tendency toward
standardization for Anglo-Saxon writing was essentially stopped in
its tracks. Some English was still written, but far less than
before. With no schools and monasteries teaching ways of writing Old
English, any incipient norms were swept away and people hardly
literate in the language just tried to
spell as the words sounded, with predictably irregular results.
Second, after the conquest many scribes were French or French-trained.
Their norms for representing sounds were different in many
respects. The letter c, for example, was used in French to spell an
/s/ sound in many loanwords of Latin origin; the letter c in the
Roman writing system represented a /k/, but a sound change in Latin
turned /k/ into /s/ before front non-low vowels. (Thus Latin
civitas /kiwitas/ evolved into French cité, from
where we get our word city.) From many instances like this
one, the use of a single letter c to represent the radically different
sounds /k/ and /s/ came into the English spelling system
(and persists to this day). The /s/ variant developed by assimilation
and weaking of the original /k/ in particular contents. A similar
sound change when Latin was changing into the Romance languages gave
rise to the use of the letter g for both a /g/ sound and a /dȝ/
sound, as in goat vs. gesture. Like the split of the
early /k/ sound into /k/ and /s/, this split of Latin /g/ was induced
by assimilation of the /g/ before front non-low vowels, in which the
sound took on the frontness of the following vowel. And like the
split of /k/, the orthographic mismatch of the letter /g/ and the
sounds it stood for was imported into English via the introduction
during Middle English of
large numbers of French loanwords with the new /dȝ/ sound in
them.
Third, the conquest brought about a change
in the dialect taken as the standard.
The seat of the royal court and government moved to London
after the conquest. (Edward the Confessor built his beloved
Westerminster Abbey in
Westminster, then just down the river to the west of the Roman and
Saxon settlements of London, and used buildings around the abbey as a
seasonal court.
The Conqueror built a whole court complex around the abbey,
which thus became the center of government.)
As a result the new pronunciation norms
were derived from London English and not from ancestral Wessex which
was in the West Country. Many manuscripts were re-copied into the
newly important London dialect of the ruling classes. Older spelling
norms were abandoned for new ones based on London pronunciations.
Writing had been used for governmental purposes from the beginning of
the Anglo-Saxon era, but for a long time its chief use
remained in the church. After the conquest it was used more and more
for governmental purposes, centered in the royal court and
law courts. The Court of Chancery in London became the seat of
official record-keeping, and by the 1300s spelling norms were
developing noticeably, in a written variety called Chancery English.
The rise of two important centers of learning outside London, Oxford
and Cambridge, by the 1300s affected written norms as well. These
towns had somewhat different dialects, but they were still relatively
close to each other and to the court, and many of the spelling norms
developed there could also be applied to writing the London
dialect. The triangle of London-Oxford-Cambridge, with its revolving
scholarly and clerical workforce, became a large and important center
of developing orthographic norms.
Printing and the beginnings of the information revolution
The advent of printing in the late 1400s drastically changed the speed
at which manuscripts could be produced and therefore disseminated, and
the adoption of paper also helped to make written documents cheaper and more
widespread. These factors encouraged the growth of record-keeping and
bureaucracy and the continued growth in importance of the Court of
Chancery and Chancery English. Property records, tax-collecting and
other financial records, laws, and records of crime and punishment
all burgeoned in the 1500s.
The rise of schools, designed to train not
only religious workers but also secular clerical workers for
government, made it possible to train larger numbers of people in
literacy and thereby also further spread the developing norms for
orthography. The growth of London and its role in public institutions
ensured its importance as the center of a linguistic standard for the
developing nation. Standard written norms based on London English developed and
were used even where local pronunciations were hardly affected by
the sounds of spoken London English. Documents moved around in far
greater numbers than people and thus could influence the norms of the
region more easily than the spoken dialect features of travellers.
The growth of a professionalized class of printers outside of the
direct control of church and government led to the role of printers in
setting norms of writing and spelling. Printers had a strong interest
in standardization to reduce variation and hence make the printing
process easier. The printing profession evolved into the profession of
publishing, and publishers have been important ever since in the
setting of written standards.
During the 1500s, a major upheaval in the pronunciation of English
vowels, the Great English Vowel shift, spread through the
speech community and tore the conservative written
forms of the long vowels away from their changing pronunciations, leaving
English with a set of letter-to-written vowel correspondences
different from everywhere else in Europe, as well as internal
variation that bedevils readers in pairs like divine, divinity.
At about the same time, many inflectional endings were reduced and
finally eliminated, notably many final unstressed e’s. These «silent
e’s» were continued in the spelling system but repurposed as a tool to
signal the value of the long vowels changed in the Great Vowel
Shift (e.g. in mate, name, while etc.). Other sounds were reduced then eliminated, such as the k’s and
g’s in the old clusters kn and gn (as in knight and
gnat) and some of the remnants of Old English yogh, the old
velar fricative (as in neighbor and bough). The result is
the numerous set of «silent letters» that learners find so maddening.
By the late 1500s, under the impetus of printing the tremendous
variety of spellings in written English had shaken down into a far
smaller set of variants, and a great part of the outlines of the
modern orthography was in place. Changes in orthographic norms
slowed considerably, and Modern English was left with a spelling
system from an earlier period of its history: essentially it is a
normalized Middle English system. The result is a set of letter-to-sound
mismatches greater than those of elsewhere in Europe, even in some
respects greater than those of French, whose spelling was codified a
little later.
The Reformation and Renaissance
In the late 1500s England became a Protestant country. As part of the
new doctrine and its administration, new documents were needed such as
liturgies for the recently-established Church of England, the Book of
Common Prayer, and above all, English translations and copies of the
Bible.
The push for an accessible version of Scripture, which meant an
English Bible, began a few centuries earlier but was thwarted until
the church and government adopted the basic tenets of the Reformation.
A number of versions of the scripture in English were produced in the
late 1500s, but the culmination of this trend was the King James Bible
of 1611. This was the most influential and most widespread religious
document of the age, and the norms adopted by the translators and
printers of this Bible had an immense influence on writers.
Dictionaries and Other Linguistic Reference Materials
With the growing use of written language, the need was felt for
materials that presented aspects the language in a way that could be
looked up by all who desired information about the language: first,
non-native speakers and later also native speakers of the language who
wanted to know about newly developed parts of the language that were
not part of every native speakers’ knowledge. The first
dictionaries were essentially lists of «hard words», particularly the
large number of new loanwords from the Classical languages and also
from the new colonies overseas. By the 18th century dictionary-writing
was becoming a recognized activity and scholars and other learned
men were being commissioned by publishers to write such materials.
Elsewhere in Europe language academies were established to codify and
normalize all aspects of language. This trend did not catch on in
English-speaking lands and there has never been an officially
recognized academy for standardization either in Britain or the
U.S. There was however an English version of the trend towards
«language purification» that swept European countries through the
Renaissance and Enlightenment. (This trend never fully died out in the
English speaking world, and we see its echoes in prescriptivist
movements that seek to minimize foreign influences, which are viewed as
threats, probably for nationalistic and ethnic-based reasons. Since
languages do not degenerate but only change with the needs of their
speakers, it is difficult to see how one language could actually
be threatened as long as it has speakers—especially one such as
English with such a numerous body of speakers. A language can be threatened
or endangered only if it ceases to be used at all.) Jonathan Swift was a vocal
proponent of English language purification, but as is usual with
purifiers, his knowledge of the history of the language was faulty and
his beliefs about the reasons for particular norms and why they had to
be upheld were irrational.
The publication of Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary of the English
Language was a milestone in the development of dictionary and
reference materials. It adopted a more-or-less descriptivist stance
which is very modern, and at odds with the prescriptive views of
earlier producers of dictionaries. Johnson’s recognition of change as
a normal process and his refusal to see it as degeneration was novel
and important.
By the time of Johnson’s dictionary, the spelling
system in place was recognizably that of current Modern English, with
only a few orthographic peculiarities such as the spelling of
show as shew and the use of the «long S» character
(easily confused with the f of that time). Probably the typefaces in
use at the time give more appearance of difference with modern texts
than any of the remaining spelling differences between 18th century
English and contemporary British English.
The political independence of the United States in the 1770s led to a
push towards identifying distinguishing cultural factors. Language was
an obvious way of distinguishing Americans from Britons, since a
recognizable set of American pronunciation features had already
developed. However, instead of using pronunciation differences to try
to develop a separate written standard, Noah Webster wrote a
dictionary containing some regional, American-dialect based
definitions to set it apart, and also introduced into his dictionary
and other writings a set of
spellings that put a distinctive stamp on American orthography without
changing it too much for mutual intelligibility. In other words, most
of the spelling conventions that had solidified in the British
standard written form by the early 19th century were maintained by Webster,
but he added a few systematic differences:
Using -ize instead of -ise for verbs derived from Greek
verbs in -izein; eliminating u in the suffix -our
(thus moving it away from the French-derived spelling of Middle
English to a spelling somewhat more in line with pronunciation on both
sides of the Atlantic), the replacement of -re in French loans
by -er (centre/center, theatre/theater) and a few other
simplications.
Movements advocating more drastic spelling reform of English emerged in
the 18th century, and there are periodic resurgences of this trend,
which represents an attempt to introduce efficiency and save time for
new learners.
Benjamin Franklin devised an alphabetic system largely keeping
English orthography the same but introducing single symbols for the
current digraphs, and additional symbols for vowel distinctions not
systematically represented in the writing system. (See link under
this essay.)
George Bernard Shaw was a passionate advocate of total spelling reform
and left his entire estate to be devoted to this project.
Systems for extreme changes of spelling, however rational, do not
seem to gain much ground in the English speaking world, probably
because updating the spelling to match pronunciation would make older
documents unintelligible for those learning only the new system, as
well as giving trouble as to how to take account of variations in
pronunciation. Another objection is that historically-oriented people (admittedly, a minority)
would not like to see the history of words containing fossil
traces of earlier forms (i.e. antiquated spellings)
erased by updating to modern rational
spellings.
The existing system has now gone on so long that it is difficult to
turn the clock back too much at once, but only by doing so can the
proponents gain their objective of an entirely rational correspondence between
letters and sounds.
Some other European nations make small orthographic adjustments every
generation or so, and thus keep their spelling gradually evolving
along with (or actually a little bit behind) the pronunciation. The
Scandinavian languages are well-known for this strategy. There was a
spelling reform in Germany in 1989 or so, but it was not a drastic
one, although portrayed as dire by some. Recently major national
newspapers have declared their intention to go back to the old system,
leaving language users in confusion about which standard to adopt.
Modern trends for standardization
Current orthography represents two major centers of standardization:
British and American English. The British standard held sway
throughout the world until very recently, when some other countries
began to first accept and then to teach American orthography and
lexical choices. (Grammatical features have been adopted with
more reluctance it seems.) Pronunciation variants are spread auditorily
rather than via writing, but the same changeover from British
to American norms appears to be occurring.
In the English-speaking world beyond Britain and the U.S., the norms
are coming into flux in some places. The spelling usages of former
colonies Canada and Australia are undergoing change as the influence
of the U.S. is felt more and more. These countries were tied to the
mother country, Britain, longer, and have maintained largely British
orthography, but proximity (in the case of Canada) and cultural
influence are exerting pressure on the norms speakers choose. The use
of U.S. spelling variants seems to be on the rise in the populace in
these countries, despite resistance of schools and government. In
other former colonies such changes are less obvious, but the same
trend may be active.
The spread of electronic communication in the form of computers and
phone texting have provided a large number of abbreviatory
conventions. The enforcers of spelling norms, schools and publishers,
have so far maintained the current orthographic standards in printed
documents. But because spelling norms are hard to acquire given all
the spelling-pronunciation mismatches, and writing has become so
democratized through these technologies, the use of non-standard
spellings (not just abbreviations) is increasingly widespread. Such
changes in usage patterns are bound to have some effect on the written
language ultimately, just as speaker’s usage of words eventually
affects what are considered conventional norms. It is still too early
to tell how these effects on the written language will play
out. Publishing itself as an industry feels endangered by the tidal
wave of un-edited electronic publication on the internet. What happens
to publishing as an industry will probably affect how quickly new
orthographic norms are adopted, since publishing is one of the major
conservative forces of orthographic standardization in the modern
world. The others, schools, government, and church, seem less
powerful in determining the form of the documents that are actually
produced on paper.
Useful Sites on Spelling and Spelling Reform
Ben
Franklin’s phonetic alphabet for reformed spelling. (found by
Travis Smith) Benjamin Franklin
developed a keen interest in spelling reform and this is his system for
a more rational spelling system for English. He even took the trouble
to commission a type foundry to
make the new letters needed for typesetting in his proposed system. (He was a
printer/publisher after all.) He wrote an article about it in 1768
when he was living in London. But then he seems to have lost interest
in the project, possibly because he could not interest anyone else in it.
Writing
system reforms and revolutions (in many languages). In addition to
links on writing and spelling reforms in a wide variety of languages, this site
also includes some nice links to sites about writing systems, the
relation of language to writing systems, spelling games and other
curiosities, and issues related to spelling reform and literacy.
Wikipedia on
English spelling reform. An overview of reasons for and against
spelling reform in English. The arguments against are under the
sections «Obstacles» and «Criticism». There is also a short list of
campaigns for spelling reform in English.
Wikipedia on
spelling reform. An overview of reasons for reform, but arguments
against reform are not given in depth. The overall point of view in
this article, unlike in the one above,
is pro-reform. This site also has short
descriptions of reform efforts for a number of languages.
[Students: If you have any other links on spelling, send them to me.]
© 2009 Suzanne Kemmer
Last modified 17 Mar 2009
English speakers enjoy what seems like an unmatched curiosity about the origins and historical usages of their language’s curses. The exceedingly popular “F word” has accreted an especially wide body of textual investigation, wide-eyed speculation, and implausible folk etymology. (One of the term’s well-known if spurious creation myths even has a Van Halen album named after it.) “The history begins in murky circumstances,” says the Oxford English Dictionary’s site, and that dictionary of dictionaries has managed to place the word’s earliest print appearance in the early sixteenth century, albeit written “in code” and “in a mixed Latin-and-English context.” Above, you can see one of the few concrete pieces of information we have on the matter: the first definitive use of the F word in “the English adjectival form, which implies use of the verb.”
Here the word appears (for the first time if not the last) noted down by hand in the margins of a proper text, in this case Cicero’s De Officiis. “It’s a monk expressing his displeasure at an abbot,” writes Katharine Trendacosta at i09. “In the margins of a guide to moral conduct. Because of course.” She quotes Melissa Mohr, author of Holy Sh*t: A Brief History of Swearing, as declaring it “difficult to know” whether this marginalia-making monk meant the word literally, to accuse this abbott of “questionable monastic morals,” or whether he used it “as an intensifier, to convey his extreme dismay.” Either way, it holds a great deal of value for scholars of language, given, as the OED puts it, “the absence of the word from most printed text before the mid twentieth century” and the “quotation difficulties” that causes. If you find nothing to like in the F word’s ever-increasing prevalence in the media, think of it this way: at least future lexicographers of swearing will have more to go on.
To view the complete manuscript page, click here. The document seemingly resides at Brasenose College, Oxford.
via io9
Related Content:
Steven Pinker Explains the Neuroscience of Swearing (NSFW)
Stephen Fry, Language Enthusiast, Defends The “Unnecessary” Art Of Swearing
George Carlin Performs His “Seven Dirty Words” Routine: Historic and Completely NSFW
Medieval Cats Behaving Badly: Kitties That Left Paw Prints … and Peed … on 15th Century Manuscripts
Colin Marshall hosts and produces Notebook on Cities and Culture and writes essays on cities, Asia, film, literature, and aesthetics. He’s at work on a book about Los Angeles, A Los Angeles Primer. Follow him on Twitter at @colinmarshall or on his brand new Facebook page.